Journal of Indian Ocean Studies

Abstract
The Indian Ocean is world’s third largest Ocean; the two others being the Pacific and Atlantic. The real significance of the Indian Ocean region lies not in its span but in its strategic location, geo-political and geo-economic importance, which, in turn, has made it an arena for global competition on the one hand and a platform for regional and international cooperation on the other. In this paper, it is proposed to discuss the broad features of the Ocean, highlight the factors which make the region so important that the major global players are vying for influence and finally discuss critically the fora which have been created to foster close cooperation for ensuring maritime security and sustainable exploitation of the vast resources of the Indian Ocean for contemporary and future needs.
 

Author
Ambassador Achal K. Malhotra is a seasoned diplomat and had been Ambassador of India to Armenia and Georgia. Besides having many articles on international affairs to his credit, he is currently the Editor-in-Chief of the “Indian Foreign Affairs Journal”. He also frequently participates in debates/ panel discussions on international issues in various leading national TV channels in India
 

Authors
Anil Jaisingh is a veteran of Indian Navy.
 

Author
Dr. Karuna Singh is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science, Dampe College, Goa.
 

Abstract
India and East Asian nations share deep-rooted historical and cultural linkages, with Indian culture playing a significant role in shaping East Asian socio political, religious, and philosophical traditions. These connections were further strengthened over centuries through sustained people-to-people interactions and vibrant commercial exchanges. In the contemporary era, such cultural linkages have evolved into important instruments of soft power diplomacy, opening new avenues for business, investment, and strategic cooperation. Against this backdrop, this paper examines contemporary strategies to address maritime challenges in the Indian Ocean Region while leveraging historical ties to promote security and prosperity. Particular attention is given to the concept of the Indo-Pacific. This vast and strategically significant region is home to approximately 65 per cent of the world’s population and accounts for nearly 62 per cent of global GDP and 46 per cent of international trade. Given that nearly half of global maritime trade passes through the Indian Ocean Region, it serves as a critical arena where the economic and security interests of states converge. From an East Asian perspective, the region is shaped by key strategic nodes that influence control over vital sea lanes, including French Réunion Island, Australia’s Cocos (Keeling) Islands, India’s Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Diego Garcia, which is leased by the United States from the United Kingdom. These locations collectively form a network of strategic maritime outposts that enhance surveillance and power projection across the Indian Ocean.

Author
Dr. Santosh K. Gupta is an Associate Professor & Head, Centre for East Asian Studies, Amity University Haryana (AUH).
 

Author
Professor Vijay Sakhuja is former Director of the National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi. He has been faculty member of several think tanks and universities in India and abroad. A former navy officer, Sakhuja has published over 40 books, edited/co-edited volumes, and monographs on geopolitical, geostrategic, technology issues, maritime security, climate change, Blue Economy, and maritime history.
 

Abstract
This paper analyses the transformation of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) into a theatre of grey-zone contestation and great power competition. It demonstrates how initiatives like continuous surveillance, seabed mapping, and deployment of dual-use vessels are changing the maritime environment below the conventional war threshold. As evidenced by events like the IRIS Dena incident, the growing influence of powerful nations, especially China and the United States, has heightened competition and raised the possibility of escalation. The analysis emphasises how crucial the IOR is for smooth flow of international trade and energy, with important chokepoints like the Strait of Hormuz and the Strait of Malacca emerging as serious concerns. It assesses India’s readiness, pointing out inadequacies in institutional coordination, legal positioning, and maritime domain awareness in order to promote a stable, rules-based order in the Indian Ocean. The paper promotes a proactive maritime strategy focused on alliances, regional leadership, and persistent presence.

Author
Major General (Dr.) S. B. Asthana (Retd.), SM, VSM is a globally acknowledged strategic and security analyst with 460 publications to his credit. As a veteran of Indian Army, he has 45 years of experience at national and varied international fields and United nations. He has been Director, Courses, USI of India, since last 12 years and has participated in over 3,000 TV shows globally. Maj. General Asthana has spoken in various strategic and military fora, UN organisations and universities and is currently on the board of many organisations in India and abroad. He had been awarded twice by the President of India and twice by the UN. Besides, he was also awarded twice by OCED for “International Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution.”
 

Abstract
Sri Lanka’s dedication to neutrality, which later developed into active involvement in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), has had a significant impact on the country’s foreign policy since achieving independence in 1948. The nation has been able to maintain its sovereignty, stay out of major international power struggles, and develop a variety of diplomatic and commercial ties because to this strategic strategy. In addition to shaping Sri Lanka’s international character over the years, this policy has yielded real strategic and economic benefits. However, the resilience and adaptability of this long-standing policy have started to be tested by the quickly changing global order, which is characterised by renewed great power competition and regional crises, especially in the Middle East. Sri Lanka’s neutrality has been under intense international scrutiny following the recent IRIS DENA incident, which saw the sinking of an Iranian military vessel close to Sri Lankan waters. Concerns about maritime sovereignty, foreign military access, and humanitarian obligations have brought attention to how difficult it is to remain neutral in a divisive geopolitical setting.  This article looks at Sri Lanka’s non-aligned foreign policy’s historical development, strategic and economic advantages, and present difficulties. Recent events are given particular attention, such as Sri Lanka’s interactions with important international players, its reaction to intensifying hostilities, and the wider ramifications for its neutrality and sovereignty

Author
Rashmin Fernando, based in Colombo, is a law graduate. He also works as a Senior News Editor for the Gold FM, one of the most popular Radio Stations in the island with a wide listener base across the world. Further, he also has a website named ‘Geopolitical Column’ featuring articles on geopolitics, international relations and economics.
 

Abstract
The Treaty of Westphalia (1648) remains a significant tool of organising societies in, especially, delineated territories in which the exercise of power lies with a government authority recognised by similar type. Beyond the sovereign territorial expanses, the oceans have not been spared of contentions of influence or dominance. At the end of World War II, the waning of British influence in the Indian Ocean Region inadvertently paved the way for a new struggle for influence between the United States and the Soviet Union. The region, constituted by predominantly smaller and security vulnerable states, was open to the development of a system subject to a prevailing power struggle. For these regional states, the quest for independence, autonomy, peace and security of the region required the pursuit of a path straddling between the two rivals. Moreover, footprints of military presence both before and, especially, after the second world war caused discontentment among littoral states of the Indian Ocean. To date, the region has witnessed increasing expansions of military establishments despite resistance by regional states. The 26th United Nations Resolution 2832(xxvi) on the Indian Ocean as Zone of Peace was a milestone for Indian Ocean regional states. However, it was already marred with controversies on how it will be attainable as it is today. In the Indian Ocean Rim Association, for example, the resolution is a reference point in attempts to address historical vulnerabilities from growing threats. As regional states commit to advancing cooperating for regional common good, they invariably cooperate to intensify vulnerabilities. This article argues, however, that regional states’ cooperative efforts while nominally directed at advancing collective security and common goods - paradoxically risk compounding the very vulnerabilities they seek to resolve. Through a historical and contemporary analysis of strategic contestation in the IOR, this article examines the tensions inherent in pursuing meaningful cooperation toward a Zone of Peace.

Authors
KGame MOLOPE, North West University, South Africa. 
Josia Moyo, Eszterházy Károly Catholic University, Hungary.
 

Abstract
China’s strategic approach to cultivating influence in Africa is a multifaceted endeavour that underscores its long-term objective of establishing an alternative global order distinct from the Western-dominated paradigm. The nation’s efforts are particularly evident in its focus on shaping political environments through diplomatic, ideological, and educational initiatives. Although Beijing has long advocated its governance model to African political leaders, recent years have witnessed a marked intensification of its efforts to strengthen its influence. China’s prolonged engagement in Africa extends beyond mere economic influence or military presence; it also involves a sophisticated understanding of diplomacy and political leverage. By strategically investing in Africa’s political future, China is strengthening its position as a central player in shaping the continent’s governance structures for the foreseeable future. This paper examines various aspects of China’s influence operations, assessing their strategic implications for both the continent and the broader global context.

Author :
Samir Bhattacharya is Associate Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. He focuses on geopolitics, particularly Africa in the changing global order. He is a recipient of the Charpak Scholarship from the French Government and has submitted his thesis at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. His research interests include external actors in Africa, particularly China in Africa, as also conflict management in Africa. He writes extensively for national and international publications.
 

Abstract
The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC’s) pervasive presence in Africa is sometimes highlighted by an image of the Chinese flag draping an outlinemap of the entire continent. Such a depiction does not imply that China is seeking to occupy the entire African continent by surpassing the scale and actions of the old colonial powers.1 Chinese President Xi Jinping may also not like to emulate US President Donald Trump in his reported bid to extend American sovereignty over Greenland and perhaps Gaza too. Furthermore, Africa is not known to be China’s long-lost ancient “province” for Xi to seek its “reunification” with the Chinese “mainland” sooner or later. Beijing’s grand strategy vis-à-vis Africa should, therefore, be understood in today’s realpolitik terms rather than any colourful imagery.

Author:
P. S. Suryanarayana is Senior Fellow, Society for Indian Ocean Studies (SIOS), New Delhi, and Adjunct Senior Fellow, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Singapore.  He has authored Smart Diplomacy: Exploring China-India Synergy (USA, World Century, 2016), The Elusive Tipping Point: China-India Ties for a New Order (Singapore, World Scientific, 2021), and Grey Zone Governance in Geopolitics: The Case of Artificial Intelligence (India, KW Publishers and Indian Council of World Affairs, 2024).
 

Abstract
Chinese state-owned companies are involved in 78 African ports as financiers, builders, or operators, representing 33% of the continent’s port infrastructure. This is part of Beijing’s broader strategy to boost trade flows and advance its geopolitical ambitions. China’s presence in Africa’s port sector is unmatched anywhere else in the world. By contrast, Latin America and the Caribbean host only 10 ports built, financed, or operated by Chinese firms, while Asian countries have 24.

Author:
Gurjit Singh was an Indian diplomat for 37 years, with postings in Germany, Indonesia, Ethiopia, and Kenya. An Africa expert, he was Sherpa for the 2nd India-Africa Summit. He writes on India-Africa relations, including his book “The Harambee Factor”. He chaired CII’s Task force on Trilateral Partnerships in Africa and the Sankalp Africa Summit.
 

Abstract
China is strategically expanding its influence in Africa by employing the dual pathways of security activism and political influence operations. Disruptions in global supply chains, soaring inflation, wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, coups and rising instability in mineral-rich Sahel region are all factors which have impacted China’s military and security presence in Africa. To protect its interests and expand its global influence, China is using its role as a leader of multilateral forums, arms sales, growing role in conflict mediation, rise in Chinese private security companies, its professional military education program and its Global Security Initiative (GSI) as vehicles to foster closer security ties with African nations. This paper examines these issues to highlight how China is embedding itself within Africa’s peace and security landscape and exerting greater political influence.

Author:
Dr. Abhishek Mishra is an Associate Fellow with the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. His research focuses on India’s and China’s engagement in Africa, aimed at developing partnerships under the framework of South-South cooperation, including a specific focus on maritime security cooperation in the Western Indian Ocean Region.
 

Abstract
Egypt occupies an important place in China’s foreign policy calculations,a position that is captured by the characterisation of the relationship by the two sides as a ‘comprehensive strategic partnership.’ Even as China achieves concrete diplomatic interests as well as promotes its Belt and Road Initiative through ties with Egypt, its influence over Cairo in the longer term might not be limited to just diplomatic, trade, or even, security realms. Chinese influence is likely to be more extensive; as their bilateral engagement rises, so also will the impact that China has on how Egypt’s political and economic conditions evolve.

Authors:
Vishal Choudhury is PhD Candidate in Economics at the University of Missouri-Kansas City and Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, FLAME University, Pune, Maharashtra.
Dr. Jabin T. Jacob is Associate Professor, Department of International Relations and Governance Studies, Shiv Nadar University, and Adjunct Research Fellow, National Maritime Foundation, Delhi NCR.
 

Abstract
Since 2008, China has been conducting anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden marking an inflection point in its increasing maritime interest and footprint in the Indian Ocean rim. This also marks a significant shift in its naval strategy: from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean and from limited coastaldefence focus to holistic maritime governance partnerships. While Chinese naval missions may have contributed to regional maritime security, they have also raised critical concerns amongst major stakeholders in the peace and security of the Indian Ocean region. This is especially true of India that has become increasingly conscious of the disruptive nature of China’s expanding naval footprint in its immediate maritime periphery. In this fast-changing strategic landscape, this article explores into the magnitude and motivations of China’s deployment of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) starting from 2008 in the Gulf of Aden and then expanding its maritime engagements way beyond this limited region and limited issue of piracy. It elucidates various operational aspects of China’s missions and broader geopolitical implications of China’s infrastructure building. From there, it extracts likely potential challenges that this entails for India’s maritime interests as also what has been India’s response in ensuring its regional maritime stability and security.

Author:
Swaran Singh is Member, Governing Body of the Society for Indian Ocean Studies (SIOS).
 

Abstract
The Biden Administration, following the example set by its immediate predecessor, the first Trump Administration, sought to counter China in several ways. Beijing soon recognised that Biden, who it thought would roll back some of the tariffs imposed on it by Trump, had no such plans and even expanded those measures, leading Biden to be seen by China as a “polite Trump.” Recognising further that there was bipartisan animosity toward it in Washington, China began to establish closer relationships with those countries it believed shared its own antipathy towards the US. It pursued and established closer relations with, among other states, Venezuela, Russia and Iran, because it also perceived Tehran as key to influencing the Middle East. This paper will focus broadly on the China-Middle East relationship and specifically on China-Iran relations.

Author:
Dr Lindsay Hughes is an independent researcher, with a deep interest in the defence and foreign policies of China, South Asia and the United States and the politics of the Indian Ocean. He was previously a Senior Research Analyst and Research Manager at Future Directions International, a Perth, Australia–based think tank.
 

Abstract
Over the last decade, the Persian Gulf region and the broader Middle East have grown in importance in the Chinese foreign policy agenda. In addition to Beijing’s traditional concern of energy security in a US-dominated region, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) allowed Beijing to broad-base its economic engagement with the region. The Chinese narrative of supporting countries’ development paths suited to their national conditions and the notion of ‘development peace’ was framed vis-à-vis the US policy of democracy promotion through regime change and periodic focus on a human-rights agenda. The Gulf States have welcomed growing Chinese engagement as hedging against the declining role of the US, while Iran sees China as a counterweight to the US. Since the US unilateral withdrawal from the multilateral nuclear deal in 2018 and the subsequent deterioration in the regional security environment, China has put forward an alternative vision of regional security order based on common security through dialogue. However, China does not seek to replace the US and take the role of a security guarantor. Instead, it is engaged in a discourse war, especially in the wake of the Israel-Hamas war, to undermine and delegitimise the US position in the region and promote China’s narrative of emerging global dynamics and world order. The Persian Gulf region is fast becoming an arena of China-US great power competition.

Author:
Dr Deepika Saraswat is an Associate Fellow at the West Asia Centre, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. Saraswat holds a PhD in Political Geography from Jawaharlal Nehru University. She is the author of Between Survival and Status: The Counter- Hegemonic Geopolitics of Iran (ICWA & Macmillan, 2022).
 

Abstract
Historically, China’s engagement with the Gulf region has centred on trade and energy cooperation. But in recent years, there has been a growing Chinese engagement in the regional geopolitics, security and defence matters. China’s involvement has also expanded into emerging fields such as innovation, science and technology, climate change, space exploration, and counter-terrorism. As China has become a key global player, its deepening partnerships with Gulf countries have strengthened mutual interests, particularly in economic collaboration, energy security and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Additionally, the Gulf nations see China as an important economic partner, while China’s non-interference policy aligns with their priorities. The paper examines how these converging interests, combined with China’s ambitions to enhance its role in the Arab world, have driven increased strategic, defence and geopolitical cooperation. This dynamic is reshaping the Gulf region’s economic and security landscape, with broader implications for global geopolitics and regional stability.

Author:
Dr. Prasanta Kumar Pradhan is a Research Fellow and Coordinator, West Asia Centre, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. His areas of interest include regional security and geopolitics in West Asia and India’s relationship with the region.
 

Abstract
Commencing with interests relating to its energy security from 1993, China has steadily expanded its ties with the Gulf, emerging as the region’s principal trade and investment partner. From 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), that links east of China with West Asia through multi-modal logistical connectivity projects across Eurasia and the Indian Ocean, now complements China’s energy, economic and technological ties with the region. The policy framework within which China has shaped its approach to the Gulf has been described as “hedging” by Chinese scholars, ie, an approach in which China seeks maximum economic rewards with minimum political risks. This has served China’s interests by enabling it to address regional political and security issues, while maintaining close relations with different nations across the conflict-prone region. The paper points out that the significant changes in the regional security scenario as a result of the Gaza war, particularly Israel’s military triumph and the full backing to its maximalist agenda that it enjoys from the Trump administration portends regional developments that would seriously jeopardise China’s interests, principally the priority attached by the US-Israel alliance to promoting normalisation of Saudi Arabia’s ties with Israel and the attendant isolation of Iran and the emasculation of its military and political capabilities. The paper argues that these developments require China to review its traditional “hedging” approach to the region in favour of competing with the US on the basis of an alternative regional approach founded on close Saudi-Iran ties, which would, over time, culminate in a cooperative regional security arrangement.

Author:
Talmiz Ahmad has served as the Indian Ambassador to Oman, the UAE and Saudi Arabia. He presently holds the Ram Sathe Chair for International Studies, Symbiosis International University, Pune. His latest book, West Asia at War: Repression, Resistance and Great Power Games, was published in 2022.
 

Abstract
The Andaman and Nicobar Islands (ANI) archipelago comprising of about 836 islands is located at the cross roads of Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea. Its strategic location provides India with a significant advantage in terms of maritime security, defence and trade routes. The islands rich marine biodiversity, pristine beaches and untapped marine resources offer vast potential for various sectors such as aquaculture, fisheries, marine biotechnology and sustainable tourism. These islands have central location in the Indo-Pacific and therefore offer a strategic vantage point to India. The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) around these islands is 5,83,884 Sq kms which is almost 30 per cent of India’s EEZ. The coastline of these islands measures 3083.5 km out of the total coastline of India, which is 11098.81 km as recently promulgated by the Government of India.
 

Author
S.N. Ghormade, Former Vice Chief of the Indian Navy with 39+ years of illustrious career, known for transformative leadership in Operations, Planning, Finance, Acquisitions, Strategy, Policy, Project management and Human resource development. 
 

Author
Suchitra Durai, Former Ambassador of India to Thailand & Former Joint Secretary (Sri Lanka,Maldives & Indian Ocean Region), Minsitry of External Affairs.
 

Author
Jagath Ranasinghe was the Chief of Staff of Sri Lankan Navy.
 

Abstract
In recent years, despite enhanced multilateral initiatives aimed at promoting global peace and security, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has persisted. Concurrently, a new front of warfare has emerged in the Levant region, where Israel and Hamas are engaged in a violent struggle. In the face of these global challenges and the intensified influence of lobby politics, the strategic significance of the Bay of Bengal continues to grow, both from a global and regional perspective concerning trade and security. This article, while considering the current geopolitical landscape, examines the strategic importance of the Bay of Bengal, the challenges it faces, and the positioning of various nations, with a particular emphasis on Bangladesh.

Author:
Anshu Joshi is Faculty at Centre for the Study of the Americas, School of International Studies, JNU. Her expertise spans around security and defence studies, diplomacy, foreign policy and geo-politics.She has written over 200 articles and five books, and is a TV panellist on reputed news channels fordebates on global affairs.
 

Author
Shyam Kumar is a 35 years Naval Veteran with warship Captain and Aviation Naval Pilot instructor grading. He holds Master degree in Defence and Strategic Studies. He is a regular contributor to magazines, TV, AIR and digital media as a defense, strategic and international affairs analyst.
 

Abstract
This paper analyses how India’s maritime security strategy concerning the Bay of Bengal is changing in response to growing geopolitical rivalries, especially with China. The Bay of Bengal, an important route for global trade and regional integration, has become a contentious area for infrastructure spending, naval power projection, and geopolitical influence. China’s expanding influence,demonstrated by its naval patrols, port projects, and diplomatic outreach to Bay littoral nations supported by the Belt and Road Initiative, has forced India to reevaluate its maritime defences. India has strengthened its alliances with countries, such as Japan, Australia, and Southeast Asian nations, through intelligence cooperation and joint exercises, increased navy modernisation, and extended coastal surveillance networks to offset these trends. The study examines how emerging dangers like climate-induced coastal erosion interact with traditional issues like illegal fishing and smuggling, creating complex security challenges. It evaluates India’s efforts to balance regional cooperation with safeguarding its national security interests through institutional and policy reforms. To bolster crisis management frameworks, promote regional trust, and to develop collective security mechanisms in the Bay of Bengal, the paper places India’s strategic decisions within the broader context of Sino-Indian rivalry and multilateral frameworks such as BIMSTEC.

Authors:
Shantesh Kumar Singh is Professor, Centre for International Politics, Organisation and Disarmament, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
Brijesh Chandra Srivastava is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Deen Dyal Upadhyay College, University of Delhi, New Delhi.
 

Author
Dr. Urbi Das is an assistant professor in the Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University.
 

Abstract
This paper examines Sri Lanka’s strategic calculus amid intensifying great power competition in the Bay of Bengal within the broader Indo-Pacific framework. Encompassing security, economic, and institutional dimensions, this study interrogates how Sri Lanka navigates complex bilateral dependencies to maintain strategic autonomy. Drawing upon contemporary small state theory, the research demonstrates how geographic positioning enables diplomatic leverage beyond structural constraints. The analysis reveals that Sri Lanka’s strategic autonomy operates through active management of transactional dependencies across India’s defence partnerships, China’s Belt and Road investments, and selective US maritime engagement. Key findings indicate that Sri Lanka operates within progressively narrowing margins. While Sri Lanka’s geographic position provides significant leverage, deepening technological and financial dependencies increasingly constrain strategic choices through infrastructure control and conditional financing arrangements.The study argues that sustained strategic relevance requires transitioning from transactional balancing toward institutionalised strategic management through dependency diversification and regional institutional engagement. This research contributes to small state theory by illuminating how geographic advantage provides strategic leverage while revealing constraints imposed by economic vulnerabilities in contested maritime environments.

Authors
Thedini Herath is a final year undergraduate student at the University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka, majoring in BA (hons) in International Studies.
Shayan Peris is a graduate of the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam in The Netherlands, holding a B.Sc. in Political Science: Global Politics.
 

Authors
H.E. Anil Sooklal is the High Commissioner of the Republic of South Africa to India.
Mr. Jaimal Anand is the Director, Humanitarian Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of the Republic of South Africa.
 

Author
Ambassador Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty is a seasoned diplomat who has served as India’s Ambassador/High Commissioner to Philippines, Bangladesh and Thailand.
 

Abstract
Indian Ocean have been an identity of India since ancient times. It stretches from the Horn of Africa to the shores of Australia. Indian Ocean is mentioned frequently in the Vedas-exclusively in the Rigveda, which is earliest among Vedas and was composed roughly 4000 to 5000 years ago. Indian Ocean connects India to all seven seas of the globe and facilitates India’s civilizational and economic connectivity since ages. Indian Ocean is full of minerals and other natural assets which could propel our stage of growth further. In ancient times, Indian emperors used it to connect with the people outside our periphery. The Chola kingdom had one of the earliest navy fleets. In the changing global order and security architecture when, China is negating the legitimate rights of littoral countries of South China and East China Sea to establish its own crafted hegemony over Asia, Indian Ocean has become more significant. India is already 4th global GDP and slated to be 3rd global economy by 2030 with $ 7 trillion economy. India is all set to add fresh trillion dollars in its economy every 11 months. In this prevailing scenario, the safety of the sea lanes of communication in the Indian Ocean is paramount for India. India under current dispensation is working well but we need to reformulate our policies to cope up with the evolving challenges.

Author
Dr. Sudhir Singh has taught Politics and International Relations at Dyal Singh College, University of Delhi for last 25 years.
 

Authors
Callistine Lewis is Research Fellow, Maritime Research Centre (MRC), Pune.
Cathrine J. is Head of Research, Maritime Research Centre (MRC), Pune.
Ambassador Anup Mudgal is member, Strategic Advisory Board, Maritime Research Centre (MRC), Pune, former Indian High Commissioner to Mauritius and member of the Blue Economy Task Force at FICCI, India.
 

Abstract
The relationship between India and Sri Lanka is a multifaceted and dynamic one that spans over 2,500 years of history. The countries share geographical closeness, historical linkages, and deep cultural, religious, and linguistic connections. The India-Sri Lanka relationship is often viewed through the lens of Buddhism, the Ramayana folk narratives, and the migration of Tamils to Sri Lanka via the Palk Strait and maritime routes. Historically, there is the legacy of Ashoka’s peaceful religious propagation in Sri Lanka. The continuous nature of geography between these countries makes them close and reliable partners in the region. India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy also fits into this process very precisely. This paper examines the impact of geographical, historical, and cultural factors on the contemporary status and evolution of the relationship between India and Sri Lanka.

Author
Dr. Abhishek Srivastsva is Assistant Professor Centre for International Politics, Organisation and Disarmament School of International Studies Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi.
 

Abstract
The East African coast has long served as a dynamic crossroads of transoceanic exchange, connecting Africa with the wider Indian Ocean world. From the first millennium BCE onward, maritime trade networks linked coastal settlements such as Rhapta, Kilwa, Mombasa, Lamu, Sofala and Zanzibar with merchants from Arabia, India, and later China. These maritime trade interactions facilitated the movement of goods such as including ivory, gold, iron, and enslaved persons from Africa, and textiles, ceramics, beads, and spices from Asia; shaping both regional economies and cultural landscapes. Archaeological and historical evidence, such as imported pottery, glassware, and architectural influences, evinces complex patterns of cultural assimilation and hybridisation along the Swahili coast. These findings underscore the role of East African port cities as active participants, not passive recipients, in the Indian Ocean trade network. By integrating historical records, linguistic data, and archaeological materials, this paper reexamines the scale and impact of these ancient transoceanic connections, highlighting how trade fostered early globalisation, technological exchange, and the emergence of cosmopolitan urbanism along the East African coast and her littoral.

Author
Dr. Makarius Peter Itambu is Senior Lecturer, Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, University of Dar es salaam-Tanzania.
 

Abstract
The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is a strategic trade route starting from eastern Africa to western Australia covering in between Arabian sea to the west of Indian sub-continent and Bay of Bengal in the East. It also surrounds Saudi Arabia covering borders of Egypt and Iran. An escape route for Rohingya migrants with overturned boat in the region has sparked off controversy of illegal migration in the IOR. The rescuing nation was Indonesia demonstrating complete humanitarian face for the migrants found dwindling in the ocean, lost with all hopes of getting back to their native homes. Indonesia, though not a signatory to UN Convention of Refugees has adopted a humanitarian approach, despite being not an obligation.This paper is based on the premise that IOR acts as a migrating route for refugees to escape to more secured places against the atrocities inflicted by their countries of origin. Further, the paper explores how nations falling within the region act as footholds of new diasporic identities for these migrants. Hailing, originally from Western Myanmar, Rohingyas face hostility in their country of origin and this becomes the reason of their illegal migration. A total of approximately 7,00,000 is the figure quoted of migrants who fled Myanmar for safety and raised a humanitarian call.The countries which are expected to give refugee in the IOR are themselves struggling for economic resources as they are lower-income nations and middle-income group nations. In such a situation, debates are raised on how far the expectation of asylum or refuge is justified from these nations, when their own native country has marginalised them. Based on secondary resources on the subject in form of books, online articles and media sources, the paper attempts to bring forth the strategies required to put in place a mechanism forjustified protection to the refugees escaping through IOR. In the process, the paper comes up with a revelation that Rohingyas are not the only refugees predominating on the scene of IOR as there are others also in the league. The paper concludes by contrasting and comparing the narratives and experiences  of Sri Lankan Tamils and Rohingyas who used IOR as an escape ground and source of their newly emerging diasporic identities.

Author
Dr. Priyanka Jain, Assistant Professor, School of Liberal Education, Galgotias University.
 

Author
Dr. Mainak Putatunda, is Assistant Professor in the Post-Graduate Department of Political Science, Hooghly Mohsin College under the University of Burdwan, West Bengal.
 

Author
Dr. Jasdev Singh is an independent researcher based in U.K.

Abstract
The Red Sea littoral, which has been experiencing competitions involving regional and extra-regional powers for at least two decades, has recently witnessed a heightened threat to the fragile regional security scenario in the shape of sustained attacks on Red Sea shipping by the Houthi militants in Yemen. In solidarity with the Palestinian fighters in Gaza, from October last year the Houthi have been targeting ships traversing the Red Sea, while insisting on an immediate cessation of hostilities in the Gaza conflict and increased humanitarian assistance to the beleaguered Palestinians in the enclave. These attacks have disrupted global shipping as several international companies have announced diversions of their vessels to the Cape of Good Hope route, even as increased war insurance premiums have made the Red Sea more uneconomical. The US and its allies have been responding to the Houthi attacks by intercepting the drones and missiles and hitting Houthi military facilities in Yemen itself, but this has not so far reduced the frequency of the Houthi attacks. The attacks have affirmed the premier place of the Houthis in the Iran-led “axis of resistance” that is now the principal regional coalition ranged against the US and Israel. The Houthi attacks are expected to have serious implications for regional security. The Houthis will now make every effort to bring all of Yemen under their control, thus threatening the geopolitical interests of both Saudi Arabia and the UAE. More seriously, the US may be expected to increase its military presence in the Red Sea region, justifying this as safeguarding Israel’s security and restricting Chinese and Russian influence in the region.

Author : Talmiz Ahmad is the former ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Oman and the UAE. At present, he holds the Ram Sathe Chair for International Studies, Symbiosis International University, Pune. His most recent book, West Asia at War: Repression, Resistance and Great Power Games, was published by HarperCollins in April 2022.
 

Abstract
Houthi attacks in the Red Sea have affected shipping traffic passing through a major artery of international trade. Houthis have linked their actions to the situation in Gaza. China is the biggest beneficiary of the maritime trade flowing through the Suez Canal but remains a fence-sitter rather than a net security provider. The Chinese presence is growing elsewhere also in the Indian Ocean zone.

Author : Amb. D.P. Srivastava is a Former Ambassador of India to Iran. He had negotiated MOU for Indian participation in Chabahar Port.
 

Author : Major General (Dr.) S. B. Asthana, Globally acknowledged Strategic and Security Analyst and Ph.D. from JNU, Maj. General S. B. Asthana (Retd.), SM, VSM has authored over 450 publications. As a veteran of Indian army, he has 45 years of experience at national and varied international fields and United Nations, He has been the Director, Courses, USI of India since last 10 years and has participated in over 3000 TV shows globally. Maj. General Asthana has spoken in various Strategic, Military Forums, UN Organisations, think tanks and universities and is currently on the advisory board many organisations in India and abroad. Awarded twice by President of India, twice by the UN and was awarded twice for “International Diplomacy and Global Conflict Resolutions” by IOED.
 

Author : Amb. Anil Trigunayat is a former Indian Ambassador to Jordan, Libya, Malta, a Distinguished Fellow and Head of West Asia group at Vivekananda International Foundation.
 

Abstract
The quadruple whammy in West Asia since late 2023 – Israel-Gaza war and Red Sea crisis involving Al Houthis, Somali piracy, and Israel-Iran deterrence show – has tested India’s equidistant foreign policy. While New Delhi has been diplomatically neutral on the political context of the crises, it has been actively involved, especially in the Red Sea and Somali piracy crises, with its navy playing a significant role to protect its own national interests. In the process, it has also helped, along with others, the global cause of free passage of trade in the Indian Ocean. This article analyses the developments that have bolstered India’s evolving tag as a ‘regional security provider’. It also urges India to be mindful of West Asia, especially the Gulf countries, now preferring a multi aligned policy while dealing with the United States and China, which is likely to make it a part of an evolving ‘collective’ security architecture rather than be its ‘chief’ architect.

Author : Dr N. Janardhan, with over 25 years of regional expertise, he analyses and unravels the evolving multi-dimensional partnerships between the countries of the Gulf and Asia. He is the Director, Research and Analysis Department, Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy, Abu Dhabi. The last of his four books was The Arab Gulf’s Pivot to Asia: From Transactional to Strategic Partnerships. Dr Janardhan is also an adjunct professor at the Paris School of International Affairs, Sciences Po, non resident fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington and Managing Assistant Editor of the Journal of Arabian Studies. He is a regular contributor to international think tank activities, academic publications and media outlets.
 

Author : Waiel Awwad, Political Analyst and West Asia Strategist, www.waielawwad.com
 

Author : Commorore Rajbir Singh Bhadana is a retired naval officer with 33 years of active service. He also holds M.Tech Degree from IIT Kanpur and management degree from the College of Defence Management, Hyderabad. He was also deputed to the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) twice for the development of critical naval systems. He is also the recipient of the “Vishist Seva Medal.” After early retirement in 2006, he joined the private sector associated with various aspects of Mercantile Navy. He is currently working as a freelance consultant with focus on maritime infrastructure development.
 

Author : Dr. Kingshuk Chatterjee is a Professor in the Department of History, Calcutta University, and is associated with the Institute of Foreign Policy Studies, Kolkata. He has previously served as a Founding Professor in the Department of History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences at Shiv Nadar University and as a Fulbright Scholar-in-Residence at the United States Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland. His area of expertise is in Middle Eastern politics. He is the author of Ali Shari’ati and the Shaping of Political Islam in Iran and A Split in the Middle: The Making of the Political Centre in Iran (1987-2004), and editor of multiple volumes on Middle Eastern politics and India’s relations with the Middle East.
 

Author : Captain Shyam Kumar, Indian Navy Retd, is a 35 years Naval Veteran with war ship Captain and Aviation Naval Pilot instructor grading. He holds Master degree in Defence and strategic Studies. He is a regular contributor to magazines, TV, AIR and digital media as a defence, strategic and international affairs analyst.
 

Author : Vinayshil Gautam, a legend in the field of management thinking and practice, has been the Founder Director of IIM-K and has also been Advisor to several government agencies including the Ministry of Shipping, Indian Ports Association, etc. A visiting faculty at several renowned universities across five continents, his work in the area of ocean studies is widely respected and used in India and abroad.
 

Author : Jayadeva Ranade superannuated as Additional Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat in 2008. Currently he is President of the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy (CCAS). He is also a Member of the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB); member of the Core Group on China at the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA); Distinguished Fellow at two prominent think tanks: Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS), and Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS). A qualified expert in Mandarin, he is Editor of ‘Strategic Challenges: India 2030’. He has authored a couple of insightful books including ‘China Unveiled: Insights into Chinese Strategic Thinking’ (2013); ‘Xi Jinping’s China’ and ‘Cadres of Tibet’ (both 2017); ‘Xi Jinping: China’s Third New Era’ (2022)
 

Author : Krishnendra Meena is Professor at the Centre for the Study of Regional Development, JNU, New Delhi. His research interests include Borders, BRICS, and the Indian Ocean region. He has widely published on these topics—both at home and abroad—and has authored a book titled “British Geopolitics in the South Atlantic.” Currently the Secretary General, SIOS, he is also associated with the Global Governance Network of IDOS, Bonn; Global Diplomacy Lab Germany; and the BMW Foundation.
 

Author : Captain Sarabjeet S Parmar served the nation as a commissioned officer in the white uniform for 36 years including command of two warships and a combat helicopter squadron, Captain Sarabjeet S Parmar has been a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Executive Director at the National Maritime Foundation. Currently, he is Distinguished Fellow at the United Service Institution of India, as also at the Council of Strategic and Defence Research, New Delhi.
 

Author : Swaran Singh is professor of international relations with Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi; Member, Governing Body, Society for Indian Ocean Studies (SIOS), Member, Academic Council, South Asian University (SAU), and President, Association of Asia Scholars, New Delhi. For full CV, see http://jnu. ac.in/Faculty/ssingh/cv.pdf
 

Author : Alexey D. Muraviev is an Associate Professor of National Security and Strategic Studies at Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia. He is the former Head of Department of Social Sciences and Security Studies at Curtin. Between 2016 and 2021, Alexey was academic lead of Curtin’s defence strategic initiative. His research interests include problems of modern maritime power; contemporary defence and strategic policy; Russia as a Pacific power; Russia’s strategic engagement in the IndoPacific; He has published widely in the field of national security, strategic and defence studies.
 

Author : 
P. S. Suryanarayana: Formerly a foreign correspondent of The Hindu of India in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and the Asia Pacific region, Mr. P. S. Suryanarayana was subsequently a resident researcher in Singapore, focusing on China-India relations. He is now Senior Fellow of the Society for Indian Ocean Studies, New Delhi, and Adjunct Senior Fellow of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Singapore.
 

Author : Ambassador Ashok Sajjanhar, Executive Council Member, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses; Distinguished Fellow, Ananta Aspen Centre, is Former Ambassador of India to Kazakhstan, Sweden and Latvia. He has also worked in senior diplomatic positions in Indian Missions in Washington DC, Brussels, Moscow, Geneva, Tehran, Dhaka and Bangkok, as also at Headquarters, New Delhi. For his efforts to improve bilateral relations, he was decorated by the Governments of Kazakhstan and Latvia with their National Awards, and by the Universal Peace Federation (a body in special, consultative status with the UN), with the title: “Ambassador of Peace.’’
 

Author : Dr Lindsay Hughes is an independent researcher, with a deep interest in the defence and foreign policies of China, South Asia and the United States and the politics of the Indian Ocean. He was previously a Senior Research Analyst and Research Manager at Future Directions International, a Perth, Australia – based think tank.
 

Authors :
Jabin T. Jacob is an Associate Professor, Department of International Relations and Governance Studies, Shiv Nadar University, and Adjunct Research Fellow, National Maritime Foundation, Delhi NCR. He can be reached at jabin.jacob@snu.edu.in
Vishal Choudhury is an Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, FLAME University, Pune, Maharashtra. He can be reached at vishal.choudhury@flame.edu.in
 

Author : Commodore Anil Jai Singh, a naval veteran, is presently the Senior Vice President of a leading European MNC in India, the Vice President of the Indian Maritime Foundation, and an Honorary Adjunct Fellow of the National Maritime Foundation. During his three decade long naval career as a submariner, he had the privilege of commanding four submarines and a fleet ship. He also served as the Naval Adviser at the Indian High Commission in the United Kingdom.
 

Author : Dr. Pradeep Raja C, is an Assistant Professor at the Indian Maritime University, Kolkata Campus. Having obtained his PhD in Mechanical Engineering from the National Institute of Technology Tiruchirappalli ‘s research focuses on biodegradable materials, polymers, and 3D-printed materials for maritime applications, with significant contributions to international SCI-indexed journals.
 

Author : Dr. Srinivas Junuguru, is an Associate Professor and the Chair of Prof. Alina Mungiu Pippidi of Public Policy & Co-Chairperson of the Centre for Public Policy Research in the School of Liberal Arts and Humanities, Woxsen University, Hyderabad, Telangana, India.
 

Author : Ms. Yvonne Waweru, is a research fellow at the Global Ocean Accounts Partnership, University of New South Wales, Sustainable Development Reform Hub, Sydney, Australia.
 

Author : Dr Lekha Ravi, is a senior Assistant Professor at School of Maritime Management, Indian Maritime University, a Central University under Ministry of Ports, Shipping & Waterways. She teaches Graduate students of Port & Shipping management, and International Transportation & Logistics Management at the University campus in Chennai.
 

Author : Dr. Emadul Islam, is a Senior Research Fellow in the Ocean Policy Research Institute, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation of Japan.
 

Author : Dr. P. A. Jayan, is in a faculty member in the School of Maritime Management, Indian Maritime University, Kochi.
 

Abstract
Archaeological evidences indicate that since the prehistoric times, Tanzania and the Indian Ocean world shared a very long antiquity in terms of early human civilisation, outstandingly during the ancient maritime trade systems and other aspects such as ancient technology transfer as well as communication systems as it currently evidentiary through the monumental built heritage assets along the coast of the Indian Ocean. The interregional trade networks that existed and flourished from 1000 to 1500 A.D. left significant legacies in the lifestyle of coastal communities of Tanzania as it is demonstrated by archaeological sites and ancient city states located along the Tanzania’s coastal towns. Historically, these coastal communities of Asia and Tanzania have had a long antiquity together in many avenues ranging from the ancient maritime trade, ancient intermarriages and cross-cultural influences between the two. Recently discovered beads from archaeological excavations under the rock shelter testifies about a very long antiquity of trade interconnectedness between the Indian Ocean world vs coastal and hinterland hunter–foragers communities.

Author : Dr. Makarius Peter Itambu, is Lecturer, Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, University of Dar es Salaam.
 

Abstract
Indian Ocean is full of living and non-living resources. Indian Ocean, the third largest Ocean of the world, stretches in length from Bay of Bengal to Antarctica (9,600 km), width from the Cape Town to the western coast of Australia (7,660 km), an area of 70.56 million sq. km and average depth of 3897 meters. With about 264 million cubic kilometres of water, it occupies around 20% of the Earth’s surface. It is abundant in oil and gas reserves, minerals and is rich in seafood in the sea-bed. It is important to explore this ocean for obtaining of these resources. Indian Ocean contains one of the most important energy and food resources of the world. Development of life and humanity flourished on the lap of Indian Ocean from the time of creation of Earth. It is strongly acknowledged that Indian Ocean is a treasure of enormous wealth. Many minerals like Gold, Silver, Copper, Manganese, Nickel, Cobalt, Chromium, Lead, Zinc, Iron, Titanium and Tin are found in the Indian Ocean bed. In this article, we will discuss the availability and exploitability of various resources in the Indian Ocean, primarily oil and gas resources, minerals and ocean fauna.

Author : Captain Vartul Dixit, is an associate professor Nautical Science in the Indian Maritime University, Mumbai Port Campus.
 

Author : Ambassador (Retd.) Gurjit Singh was India’s Ambassador to Ethiopia, Indonesia and Germany. Besides his widely acclaimed book on India-Africa Relations, he has been a regular contributor with his articles on International Affairs.
 

Author : Mr. Brian Gicheru Kinyua is a Freelance Media Practitioner (Ocean Science and Maritime Affairs) from Kenya. He has been frequently writing on various issues relating to international affairs.
 

Author : Dr. Makarius Peter Itambu is a professor in the Department of Archeology and Heritage Studies, University of Dar-es-Salaam. He is also affiliated to the Max Plank Institute for Science of Human History, MPI-SHH-Jena, Germany.

Author : *Dr. Sankalp Gurjar is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Geopolitics and International Relations, Manipal Academy of Higher Education, Udupi, India. He is the author of “The Superpowers’ Playground: Djibouti and Geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific in the 21st Century” (Routledge:2023).
 

Abstract
In this article the author analyses the strategic, security and maritime aspects of cooperation between India and Australia and describes how this relationship is underpinned by growing economic and people to people ties. It addresses a number of important questions including, what are the strategic drivers in the Australia-India Relationship? What are the areas of convergence in the strategic outlooks of the two countries? What are the areas of divergence in the strategic outlooks of the two countries? Why both countries must cooperate within the Regional Security Architecture. What are our doubts and reservations about each other? What common challenges are Australia and India likely to face in the future? How can we develop the Regional Security Architecture for the Indian Ocean region? What is the Evolving Asian Maritime Landscape in the Eastern Indian Ocean? How do we assess the development of India Australia Defense and Security Ties? How has Civil Nuclear Cooperation consolidated the Strategic Ties between the two countries? What are the prospects for India-Australia Economic and People to People Ties? How does India look at Australia?

Author : Ambassador Biren Nanda is a retired career diplomat and former High Commissioner of India to Australia.
 

Author : Associate Professor Iqbal Singh Sevea is Director of the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS) at the National University of Singapore (NUS).
 

Author : Major General GG Dwivedi, SM, VSM & Bar retired as Assistant Chief Integrated Defence Staff, after 38 years of distinguished service. A Veteran of Bangladesh War, he later commanded Battalion in Siachen (Northern Glacier), Brigade in Kashmir Valley, Division in the North East; served as Defence Attaché in China, North Korea and Mongolia. An alumnus of National Defence College and Harvard Kennedy School, he has PhD from JNU in International Relations. Currently, is Adjunct Professor and Distinguished Fellow at USI, Senior Fellow at Alon Ben-Meir Centre, New York. An acclaimed writer and speaker, he regularly appears as a panellist on the national TV.
 

Author : Dr. Shubhamitra Das is Assistant Professor in the Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. She is a regular writer on Indo-pacific region and has several books to her credit.
 

Authors :
Dr. Akshay K. Singh is the Head, Department of Political Science and International Relations,School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Gautam Buddha University, Gautam Budh Nagar, U.P
Sanjay Kumar Mishra is a Research Scholar, Department of Political Science and International Relation, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Gautam Buddha University, Gautam Budh Nagar, U.P.
 

Abstract
The Indo-Pacific region is believed to be of immense strategic significance given the dynamism of the region in propelling economic growth and cooperation between nations. However, the region has attracted significant attention from major powers and is being reimagined as a contested geo-political space. The emergence of the term has led to a restructuring of the popular perception in which the world has traditionally and strategically perceived this geographical area. This paper delves into the manner in which the India and Australia as important actors in the region conceptualize the ‘Indo-Pacific’ and how it has shaped India-Australia relations.

Author : Tshering Chonzom Bhutia, PhD is Advisor, Unit for International Cooperation National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration (NIEPA) (Deemed to be University) and Associate Editor, India Quarterly.
 

Author : Kalesh Mohanan, Commander in the Indian Navy as well as a naval historian. He has a PhD and has done his Postdoctoral research in naval history from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. He has several publications including ‘The Royal Indian Navy: Trajectories, Transformations and the Transfer of Power’.
 

Author : Amb. Gurjit Singh, a seasoned diplomat, has served as the Ambassador of India to Ethiopia, ASEAN and Indonesia before retiring as the Ambassador of India to Germany. Ambassador Singh is a prolific writer on international affairs and has a well-received book on Africa titled to his credit.
 

Author : Professor Rajaram Panda is former Senior Fellow at Pradhan Mantri Museum and Library, (earlier NMML) New Delhi. Earlier, he was Senior Fellow at MP-IDSA, and ICCR Chair Professor at Reitaku University, Japan.
 

Author : Ambassador Manoj Kumar Bharti has been a career diplomat having served as the Ambassador of India to Indonesia and ASEAN.
 

Author : Vibhanshu Shekhar is an Adjunct Professor at American University.
 

Author : Dr. Pankaj K Jha is Professor with JSIA, O P Jindal Global University and Director of Centre for Security Studies (CSS). He is Executive Director of a research- oriented think tank known as CESCUBE. Dr. Pankaj Jha was Director (Research) with Indian Council of World Affairs for more than two and half years (2014-2017).
 

Author : Vice Admiral Anil Kumar Chawla, PVSM, AVSM, NM, VSM, PhD (Retd.) was the Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Southern Naval Command prior to his retirement in November 2021.
 

Abstract
Despite strengthened multilateral efforts to ensure global peace and security in past few years, Russia and Ukraine war could not be stopped. On the other hand, another warfront opened in the Levant region where Israel and Hamas are affianced in a violent conflict. Amid various such global challenges and reinforced lobby politics, the strategic importance of Indian Ocean Region and Indo-Pacific remains cumulative from a global as well as regional security’s point of view. Apart from various bilateral efforts, nations are also strengthening multilateral platforms to ensure security, stability and neutrality of IOR as well as Indo-Pacific. Re-boosted partnership between India and ASEAN can be quoted as an example here. Keeping the present geo-politics in focus, the article analyses the re-strengthened partnership between India and ASEAN.
Global politics is an interesting yet complex maze where various players keep playing to attain, maintain and grow their power. In this power game, the players collaborate with each other or compete depending on the geo-political situations around. These players also act inversely at different levels, like two nations may have hostility at bilateral level but they choose to collaborate at multilateral level, and vice versa. Their behaviour depends on the larger picture of global affairs, geo-politics as well as their ambitions and objectives. This keeps global politics dynamic.

Author : Dr. Anshu Joshi is Faculty at Centre for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, JNU. She has written over 200 articles and five books, and is a TV panellist on reputed news channels for debates on global affairs.
 

Abstract
India’s relationship with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a strategic alliance to foster peace, stability, and economic success in the IndoPacific area. This collaboration is driven by mutually agreed-upon principles and standards that have been in place since its establishment in 1992. The ASEAN-India Joint Statement on Cooperation on the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific for Peace, Stability, and Prosperity in the Region adopted the 18th ASEAN-India Summit, reiterates the dedication to advancing the ASEAN-India Strategic Partnership and upholding the ‘ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP)’ goals and principles. The AOIP and India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) have common values in advocating peace and cooperation. The need of time is to explore measures to execute the AOIP using intensified collaboration with a particular emphasis on maritime cooperation, connectivity, Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and potential areas of economic cooperation. Indian initiatives aim to attain tranquilly and economic well-being in the area. The sustenance of efforts by all the players is vital for the desired productivity.

Author : Gr. Capt. (Dr) Dinesh Kumar Pandey, served the Indian Air force for more than three decades in various capacities and with a vast experience of more than 2500 air combats, Prof (Dr.) DK Pandey retired as the Group Captain in IAF. He was a professor at the School of Business (Aviation Management) at Galgotias University. With many research papers for journals and websites to his credit, he is currently a ‘Senior Fellow’ at CAPS. His study areas are Air Power, International Relations and Strategic Geopolitical dynamics.
 

Author : Dr. Akhilesh Chandra Prabhakar is a Senior Lecturer in Applied Economics, Department of Business Studies, University of Technology, Lae, Morobe, Papua New Guinea.
 

Author : Dr. Neeta M Khandpekar, D. Litt., Professor, Department of History, University of Mumbai, Mumbai–400 098

Author :
*Talmiz Ahmad is the former Indian ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Oman and the UAE. He now holds the Ram Sathe Chair for International Studies, Symbiosis International University, Pune. He has written four books on West Asian affairs; his latest book, West Asia at War: Repression, Resistance and Great Power Politics, was published in April this year. He writes and lectures frequently on Political Islam, West Asia, Eurasia, the Indian Ocean, and energy security issues.

Author :
Sharat Sabharwal was a career diplomat from 1975 to 2013. He served twice in Pakistan, as Deputy High Commissioner of India from 1995 to 1999 and High Commissioner from 2009 to 2013.”

Abstract
The stance of some Gulf countries vis-à-vis the Russia-Ukraine War in 2022 attests to their continued bid to enhance their strategic autonomy in a multi-polar world or ‘networked world order’. Over the last two decades the relations between the countries of the Gulf and Asia have expanded beyond the economic domain to include political and even security arrangements. While oil and non-oil trade are still the fulcrum of their association, ‘strategic’ partnerships are fast becoming the norm. This article argues that, along with economic diversification, the Gulf countries have diversified their foreign policies, especially with China, India, Japan and South Korea, among others. Together with Russia, this could eventually alter the current US-centric security paradigm and prepare them for a ‘post-free riders’ world. This opens up the prospect for a ‘collective’ security architecture in the Gulf, which is key to regional and global stability.

Author :
*Dr N. Janardhan is a Senior Research Fellow at the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy, Abu Dhabi. He has four books to his credit, the last titled "The Arab Gulf’s Pivot to Asia: From Transactional to Strategic Partnerships".

Author :
Ambassador Bhaswati Mukherjee had a distinguished career in the Indian Foreign Service and had served as Ambassador to the Netherlands. A prolific writer, she has many books to her credit.

Introduction :
The Russian attack on Ukraine is the biggest geopolitical upheaval since 1945. The first observation is that the concept of warfare has changed. The second one is that globalization is losing steam with regionalism and autarchy gaining ground. The third one is that global super power position is about forging global values. One of the most certain projections for mid-21st Century is that the global powerhouse and consequently the area for competition/rivalry among big powers will be Indo-Pacific. The intriguing question is whether East Asia will maintain its primogeniture or whether South Asia will link up with West Asia and the Eastern coast of Africa challenging east Asia.

Author :
Joergen Oerstroem Moeller is a former state-secretary for the Royal Danish Foreign Ministry and the author of Asia’s Transformation: From Economic Globalization to Regionalization, The Veil of Circumstance: Technology, Values, Dehumanization and the Future of Economics and Politics and How Asia Can Shape the World, from the era of Plenty to the Era of Scarcities.

The Russia-Ukraine war in theatre is regionally part of Europe but its impact is global and long term. This war has accelerated changes in the global order that have deep multi-level consequences. While this war is embedded in the nuances of European and Russian history, actors in this war have global interests and aims. One major arm of this war extends to the Indo-Pacific. This article examines why the Indo-Pacific is imbricated in this war and its impact.

Author :
Dr. Anuradha Chenoy was a professor and former Dean in Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Author :
Maj. General S. B. Asthana is a globally acknowledged Strategic and Security Analyst who has authored over 400 publications. With 45 years of experience, he held key appointments in Army & UN. A TV commentator, Speaker in various Strategic, Military forums, UN Organisations, Think-tanks and Universities, he holds important posts in many national, international and UN organisations.

Author :
Ambassador Achal K. Malhotra has a vast experience in serving in Indian Mission in Morcow before taking over as India’s Ambassador to Armenia and Georgia.

Synopsis:
The ongoing Russia-Ukraine war is perceived as an outcome of the US policy to contain Moscow in order to prevent it from resurrecting the Russian Empire on the ruins of the USSR, collapse of which heralded an era of a Unipolar world order. Russia’s incursion into Ukraine on February 24, 2022 is the watershed moment in European development – an abrupt end to the dream of a common European space from Lisbon to Vladivostok, which will have wider consequences for the world community including in the Indo-Pacific region. Amid the ongoing conflict with no end to cessation of hostilities in sight, the Russian Federation has adopted a new naval doctrine to replace its older doctrine of 2015 to globally face the challenge of united West under the US leadership in the maritime domain.

Author :
* The author is an independent Eurasia analyst, Consulting Editor of Raksha Anirveda (quarterly) Delhi, as Moscow correspondent of India’s premier news agencies and author of chapters in “Russia and Asia - The Emerging Security Agenda”, SIPRI, Oxford University Press, 1999. “India and Russia- Deepening the Strategic Partnership”, ICWA, New Delhi, 2013 and several articles for various Indian and Russian think tanks.

Author :
P.V. Rao
NALSAR
National Fellow, ICSSR
Former Director, Indian Ocean Studies
Osmania University

Abstract:
India, from an economic perspective was the most important colony for British Empire. Geopolitically, on the other hand, the imperial vision accorded immense significance to the Indian Ocean. Sir Halford J. Mackinder, considered to be a land power theorist, advocated and highlighted the significance of the Indian Ocean repeatedly in his prolific career. The paper will highlight that his work intended to preserve British Sea power by focusing upon the ‘Geographical Pivot of History’, the impregnable landmass later termed as the ‘Heartland’. Mackinder’s works Britain and British Seas (1902), Eight Lectures on India (1910), Democratic Ideals and Reality (1919) and Round World, the Winning of Peace (1943) reveal his understanding of the Indian Ocean space as a strategic linkage with both the Mediterranean and East Asia. He argues that the defence of Mediterranean is vital for its access to the Indian Ocean and similarly the connectivity offered by the ports in the Indian Oceanic space to the east is economically vital. The Bombay and Colombo ports were coveted locations on the high street which begins at London and emphasized that “Colombo is one of the chief centres of communication in the world” (Mackinder 1910). The aim of the paper therefore is to clarify that Mackinder valued British Sea Power and it was to create a defensive framework for the same that he highlighted threats emanating from the ‘Heartland’. In this schema, the heavy British presence in the Indian Oceanic space served two purposes, the defence towards the east from other European powers and the economic function of exploitation of the Indian riches.

Author:
Dr. Krishnendra Meena is an Associate Professor in the Centre for International Politics, Organisation & Disarmament (CIPOD) in the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. He is also the Secretary General of the Society for Indian Ocean Studies. He has been regularly contributing to various periodicals with his articles on International Affairs. 

Introduction
The Indian Ocean is a large mass of water, stretching from the Strait of Malacca and western coast of Australia in the East to the Mozambique Channel in the West. With Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea to its North, it extends into the southern Indian Ocean. The Indian Ocean’s key sub-regions are South Asia, the Middle East, the eastern coast of Africa and the islands dotting the ocean from Sri Lanka in the East to the Comoros Archipelago in the West. The Indian Ocean has been home to major sea routes connecting the Middle East, Africa and East Asia with Europe and the Americas. These vital sea-routes have been facilitating maritime trade in the Indian Ocean region.

Author :
Shyam Kumar has been an officer in the Indian Navy from 1984 to 2019. He served as War Ship Captain twice and has been an Instructor Pilot. He holds a Master's degree in defence and strategic studies. He is a regular panellist in various media channels for analysis on defence and strategic issues. 

Introduction
The Indian Ocean Region (IOR), has become the theatre of geopolitical and geo-strategic interactions in the 21st century, and various nations both from within and the extra-regional powers are deploying their strategic assets in the region. It is the Indo part of the Indo-Pacific strategic space, which is largely defined as the tropical littoral waters of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. The tropical waters present unique challenges and opportunitiespolitically, economically, and physically, thus any attempt at governance must account for the unique tropical characteristics1 . Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) is probably the most effective tool for governance and management of challenges and opportunities in the marine as well as the freshwater systems. The precise mapping of the resources, their quality & availability, concerns of security & sustainability and many more can really help in their effective and efficient exploitation. The exploration is equally critical and there again, MSP can be a great tool. All kinds of policy & technology interventions can be deployed using MSP in vast marine and freshwater systems2 .Dr. (Cdr) Arnab Das, an Indian Navy veteran with over two decades of active service, has been involved in underwater research for over two decades with reasonable contribution to the strategic security and blue economy. Holder of a Masters & PhD Degree from IIT Delhi, Dr. Das is the Founder Director of the Maritime Research Centre (MRC), Pune. He has been extensively writing for leading periodicals to create awareness about the underwater domain. 

Author :
*Dr (Cdr) Arnab Das, an Indian Navy veteran with over two decades of active service, has been involved in underwater research for over two decades with reasonable contribution to the strategic security and blue economy. Holder of a Masters & PhD degree from IIT Delhi, Dr. Das is the Founder Director of the Maritime Research Centre (MRC), Pune. He has been extensively writing for leading periodicals to create awareness about the underwater domain.

Introduction:
That is obvious though not certain. In discussing the economy, we first need to ask the right questions in order to get the right answers. It’s also another way of asking what relevance these questions or answers may have? This is of special relevance in the present pandemic situation as ab initio it is turning not just the world but all concepts upside down! It's forcing us to question the basis of life and in doing so question the basis of our economic activity. But these are somewhat philosophical questions yet relevant for humankind to address. To begin at the beginning let us first address what COVID-19 is and how it is impacting the global economy.

Author :
A. Didar Singh is former Secretary to Government of India and Ex-Secretary General, FICCI (Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry)

Author :
Biren Nanda is former Ambassador to Indonesia and ASEAN.

Author :
Skand R. Tayal is a former ambassador of India to South Korea. 

Author :
Nguyen Xuan Trung is Director General in the Vietnam Institute for Indian and Southwest Asian Studies, Hanoi.

Authors :
Ms. Mahima N. Duggal is an Associated Research Fellow at the Institute for Security and Development Policy, Sweden. She is also Editorial Assistant to the Series Editor for “Routledge Studies on think Asia”.

Dr. Jagannath P. Panda is a Research Fellow and Centre Coordinator for East Asia at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. He is the Series Editor for “Routledge Studies on Think Asia”.

Abstract :
The International Solar Alliance (ISA) is a political vision that India and France share to ensure distribution and usage of clean energy. The criticality behind this notion is that it has the potential to shape a much broader strategic ambit in India’s evolving post-pandemic foreign policy as a venture beyond its environmental and climate driven exterior. This paper argues that India’s focus on the ISA in the post-COVID 19 order must be swift and expansive, covering security, economic and strategic overtures of the energy ‘alliance’. The paperanalyzes the Quadrilateral 2.0, India’s bilateral synergy with partner nations, Quad ‘Plus’, Supply Chain Resilience Initiative (SCRI), Indo-Pacific security, China and other key strategic ambits vis-a-vis the ISA in support of such a geopolitical lens for viewing the ISA.

Author :
*Eerishika Pankaj is an Editorial Assistant to the Series Editor for the Routledge Series on Think Asia. She is also a Young Leader in the Pacific Forum’s Young Leaders Program (YLP). Her research interests lie in Chinese foreign and domestic policies, Asian security studies, pathologies of international organizations and human security studies in conflict zones.

Author :
J. K. Tripathi is a former ambassador of Indian Zimbabwe and currently the Managing Editor of the 'Journal of Indian Studies'.

Author :
Commodore C Uday Bhaskar ranks amongst India’s best known strategic thinkers and writers. Currently Director, Society for Policy Studies, he has the rare distinction of having headed three think-tanks including the National Maritime Foundation and the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (as officiating Director) in 2004-05.

Author :
William McQuilkin is a retired U.S. naval officer and a former Director of the U.S. Navy’s Strategy and Policy Division (OPNAV N51) from 2013-2016 where he led the drafting and publishing of “A Cooperative Strategy for 21st Century Seapower”, the fundamental roadmap for the U.S. Navy’s future. He has published numerous articles on Indian security matters.

Author :
Gurjit Singh is a former Indian diplomat who has served as Ambassador of India to Germany, Indonesia and the ASEAN.

Author :
Mr. Yasushi Tomiyama is a research fellow and Planning Committee member at the Japan Institute for National Fundamentals and a former foreign news editor and bureau chief in Washington, D.C., London, and Bangkok for the Jiji Press.

Author :
Mr. Lindsay Hughes is a Senior Research Analyst/Research Manager at Future Directions International, a Perth-based think-tank, where he is responsible for the oversight of South Asia, Central Asia and those countries of the Middle East that lie on the Indian Ocean littoral. He has an on-going interest in the foreign policies of China and the United States.

Authors :
Dr. Ms. Reena Marwah is Associate Professor, Jesus and Mary College, University of Delhi.
Dr. Ms. Lailufar Yasmin is Professor, Department of International Relations, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Author :
Samuel Matthews Bashfield is a PhD candidate and research officer at the Australian National University’s National Security College. Sam’s research engages with Indian Ocean security affairs, with a focus on the past, present and future of the Chagos Archipelago (British Indian Ocean Territory).

Author :
V.N. Attri is the former chair Professor in the Indian Ocean Studies (CIOS) in The Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA).

Introduction
The geographical contours of a country play a preeminent role in the determination of its course of history and the roles and responsibilities it takes up at the international scene. As enunciated pointedly by Hans Morgenthau that “on the relatively stable foundation of geography the pyramid of national power arises.”1 However, Robert D. Kaplan cautions that “geography is merely the unchanging backdrop against which the battle of ideas plays out.”2 Although he cautions against inspiring determinism, he concurs with W.H. Parker in upholding that eventually “in the long run, however, those who are working in harmony with environmental influences will triumph over those who strive against them.”3 As the world gets smaller in the 21st century with spiralling technological modernization, it becomes all the more crucial to know every inch of space better in order to reap benefits and overcome obstacles. And the beginning has to be made with the intimate acquaintance of a nation’s foreign policy with its geography -in a word, its geopolitics. In this vein, this paper calls for a key understanding for India of the geopolitical matrix of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), the threats characterising the region and its resident countries and their perceptions of India’s policy in carving out a paradigm of Security and Growth for all in the region (SAGAR).

Authors :
Adluri Subramanyam Raju is a Professor & Udita Banerjee is a Research Scholar (UGC JRF) UGC Centre for Maritime Studies, Pondicherry University, India.

Introduction
The opportunity for trade, security and sustainable development heightened global interests and dialogues about the Indian Ocean, the third largest of the world’s ocean. The Republic of Seychelles is a small island developing state in the western Indian Ocean and is an ideal case study to illustrate the challenges and opportunities for a small island nation with a population of less than 100,000. The Seychelles archipelago is rich in terrestrial and marine biodiversity and, with the support of the private and civil society sectors, the country plays an important role in environmental protection and conservation. This article explores tourism and fisheries as the two main drivers of the Seychelles economy and discusses about the impacts of external shocks on economic growth. As a long-term solution for sustainable development and food security for small states, the article proposes economic diversification for Seychelles to recover from socio-economic and environmental disasters. This article also draws on the opportunities that Seychelles as a seaboard country has by utilising its territorial sea and Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). To illustrate this, three main concepts are discussed - the Blue Economy, maritime security and international cooperation - as interlinked components that can lead to peace within the region.

Author :
Diana Benoit is the Founder and Director of the James R. Mancham Peace and Diplomacy Research Institute at the University of Seychelles, an academic research institute that focuses not only on Seychelles but also eastern Africa and the western Indian Ocean region.

Abstract
Islands states are facing challenges from environmental hazards to maritime security threats. A rise in Sea level has put at risk a lot of small islands states. Indian Ocean Islands states are not excluded from this phenomenon. According to world atlas, the Indian Ocean is the “world’s third largest ocean and covers 70,560,000 km2 ”. 1 Madagascar, Comoros, Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles and Sri lanka are the island nations located in the Indian Ocean. Though they share a lot between themselves, they are diverse in many aspects. Blue economy can be a way forward if we consider the economic development of the region.

Author:
Johanne Andria-manantena is currently lecturer of International law, is a student of International Relations and Diplomacy (class 2020-2021) and is also a practitioner of Maritime law.

Author :
Vagisha Gunasekara is a Sri Lankan political economist based in Colombo who takes an inter-disciplinary approach in exploring the interaction between global forms and local political economy of emerging contexts and practices of governance and labour.?????

Author :
Mohammed Sawaad Saidullah is a Captain in the Coast Guards of the National Defence Force of Maldives.

Authors :
Naifa Rizani Lardo & Vashaya Alinda Syadina are Research Interns in CSIS Indonesia