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Indian Foreign Affairs Journal

Published in Association with Association of Indian Diplomats

Current Volume: 20 (2025 )

ISSN: 0973-3248

e-ISSN: 2229-5372

Periodicity: Quarterly

Month(s) of Publication: March, June, September & December

Subject: Political Science & International Affairs

DOI: 10.32381/IFAJ

300

Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, a peer reviewed quarterly publication of the Association of Indian Diplomats, attempts to provide an intellectually stimulating forum for the examination of various aspects of India's Foreign Policy. This Examination is undertaken by the experienced decision-makers, serious scholars, and seasoned analysts.

EBSCO
ProQuest
Genamics (JournalSeek)
Indian Citation Index (ICI)

 

Managing Editor
Achal Malhotra

Ambassador (Retd.) and Member,
Executive Committee, Association of Indian Diplomats, New Delhi.


Editor
Abdul Nafey

Professor (Retd.) School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi


Copy Editor
Preeti Singh

Ex-Officio Members
T. C. A. Raghavan

Ambassador (Retd.) and President, Association of Indian Diplomats, New Delhi


Amarendra Khatua

Ambassador (Retd.) and Vice President, Association of Indian Diplomats, New Delhi


Anil Trigunayat

Ambassador (Retd.) and Secretary, Association of Indian Diplomats, New Delhi


A.K Malhotra

Ambassador (Retd.) and Treasurer, Association of Indian Diplomats, New Delhi


Nominated Members
Sachin Chaturvedi

Director General,Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi


Sanjay Chaturvedi

Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh


Neelam Deo

Former Director, 'Gateway House' Indian Council on Global Relations, Mumbai.


Darvesh Gopal

Former Professor of Political Science, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi


Arvind Gupta

Director, Vivekananda International Foundation, New Delhi


Rajat Kathuria

Director & Chief Executive, Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER), New Delhi


G. Gopa Kumar

Vice Chancellor, Central University of Kerala, Kasaragod.


Jayant Prasad

Former Director General, Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.


P. K. Singh

Former Director, United Services Institution of India, New Delhi.


Nalin Surie

Former Director General, Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.


International Advisers
David M. Malone

Rector of the United Nations University & Under Secretary General of the United Nations, Tokyo, Japan.


Ong Keng Yong

Executive Deputy Chairman, Director, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.


 T.V. Paul

James McGill Professor of International Relations, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.


Elizabeth Sidiropoulose

National Director, South African Institute of International Affairs, Braamfontein, South Africa.


Peter N Varghese

Chancellor, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia.


Research Associate
Hoimi Mukherjee

Volume 20 Issue 4 , (Oct-2025 to Dec-2025)

From The Editor's Desk

By: ..

Page No : i-iv

Read Now

WEST-ASIA CRISIS: DEBATE
Fragmented Multi-polarity and the Collapse of Coercive Diplomacy: A Social Constructivist Analysis of the 2026 Iran Crisis

By: Shubhda Chaudhary

Page No : 281-307

Abstract
The joint United States–Israel military campaign against Iran, designated Operation Epic Fury and launched on 28 February 2026, stands as one of the most significant failures of coercive diplomacy in the post-Cold War era. This essay employs a social constructivist framework to analyse the multilateral diplomatic theatrics surrounding the crisis, arguing that the outbreak of the crisis reflects not a lack of diplomatic effort but rather the structural incapacity of a fragmented multipolar order to prioritise collective negotiated outcomes over illegal unilateral military actions.

The essay begins by questioning the terminology used to describe the ongoing crisis and its etymological origins. It examines the factors that led to the crisis, and how performative diplomacy has disrupted the global architecture of inter-subjectivity and shared meanings. Additionally, it explores the roles of mediators, such as Oman, Egypt, Turkiye, and Pakistan, as well as the structural rhetoric of Russia and China. The essay also discusses the pragmatic reasons behind India’s conspicuous absence from mediation efforts during its BRICS Presidency, along with the lingering colonial and imperial perspectives of the UK and France regarding energy security, and Germany’s Holocaust guilt which hindered any significant breakthroughs — although, perhaps, this was never intended. While

the role of the United Nations is acknowledged, the essay deliberately avoids a detailed focus on its various resolutions, which often carry optics and threats rather than binding action, thus highlighting the institution’s lack of moral, legal, or enforcement capacity.

The essay also questions how diplomacy has been weaponised, its ethics eroded, and how the geopolitical appetite for more wars and crises has grown. It asks whether the US-Israeli war on Iran sets a template for the future world order that academia cannot easily extrapolate. In conclusion, the essay deliberately adopts a Socratic approach to provoke thought, aiming to create an intersection of thought and praxis, and perhaps effect change, however small it may be.

Author:
Shubhda Chaudhary
, founder of Middle East Insights Platform, Ph.D. (JNU), and an M.A. from the University of Westminster, UK.
 

DOI : https://doi.org/10.32381/IFAJ.2025.20.4.1

Price: 251

The US-Israel-Iran War and the Changing Security Dynamics in the Persian Gulf Region: Implications for India

By: Deepika Saraswat

Page No : 308-322

Abstract
The second US-Israeli attack on Iran, and Iran’s horizontal escalation against the Gulf States have long-term implications for the US-led security architecture in the Persian Gulf. Iran’s ability to wage a war of attrition against the Gulf States, and its control of the Strait of Hormuz have further securitised their view of Iran. As security and deterrence become prime concerns, the Gulf States will be more determined to diversify their security partnerships, strengthen their national defence capabilities and autonomy, and recalibrate their long-standing security relationship with the USA, as defined by US security bases in exchange for ‘security guarantees’. The Gulf States will likely adopt divergent approaches to security and technological cooperation with Israel, which is widely seen as striving for region wide military dominance.

The second US-Israeli attack on Iran, and Iran’s horizontal escalation against the Gulf States have long-term implications for the US-led security architecture in the Persian Gulf. Iran’s ability to wage a war of attrition against the Gulf States, and its control of the Strait of Hormuz have further securitised their view of Iran. As security and deterrence become prime concerns, the Gulf States will be more determined to diversify their security partnerships, strengthen their national defence capabilities and autonomy, and recalibrate their long-standing security relationship with the USA, as defined by US security bases in exchange for ‘security guarantees’. The Gulf States will likely adopt divergent approaches to security and technological cooperation with Israel, which is widely seen as striving for region wide military dominance. to contribute to de-escalation and enduring stability in the Persian Gulf region, including the maritime choke point of the Strait’ of Hormuz.

Author
Deepika Saraswat
is an Associate Fellow with the West Asia Centre at MP-IDSA, New Delhi.
 

DOI : https://doi.org/10.32381/IFAJ.2025.20.4.2

Price: 251

The West Asia Crisis and its Impact on India

By: Chietigj Bajpaee

Page No : 323-340

Abstract
The US-Israel attack on Iran in February 2026 has had profound implications for the security of West Asia and the broader global order. Beyond the immediate impact on global trade, foreign remittances and air travel, it has compromised international norms and raised questions on the future of the rules-based international order. For India and South Asia, much of the focus has been on the economic impact given the heavy dependence of countries in the region on commodity imports that transit the Strait of Hormuz. However, less recognised or acknowledged are the broader strategic implications of the conflict for India and its regional security over the longer term. From creating a feedback loop between the India Pakistan rivalry and regional rivalries in West Asia to testing India’s longstanding commitment to strategic autonomy amid India’s deepening engagement with Israel at the cost of its longstanding relationship with Iran, and India’s broader ambitions to be a voice of the Global South, the Iran conflict provides a microcosm of the opportunities and challenges facing Indian foreign policy.

Author
Chietigj Bajpaee
is a Senior Fellow for South Asia, Asia-Pacific Programme, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London.
 

DOI : https://doi.org/10.32381/IFAJ.2025.20.4.3

Price: 251

INDIA-US-INDO-PACIFIC
Trump Disorder in India-US Relations Domestic Discourse amid Strategic Disruption

By: Titli Basu

Page No : 341-360

Abstract
As US’s strategic bet on India erodes, a sharper reflection on Delhi’s strategic reality and choices are urgent. Trump 2.0 has demonstrated decisiveness in imposing costs on Delhi. While President Trump’s unilateral tariffs have dented the strategic imperative underpinning bilateral ties, political signalling around the India-Pakistan conflict has contributed to a perceived erosion of strategic trust, underscoring expectation gaps. This has prompted deeper scrutiny of whether President Trump has disrupted the longstanding bipartisan consensus on Delhi’s strategic utility, and perceived exceptionalism in American grand strategy. As Delhi searches for pragmatic solutions, it is pertinent to unpack how the strategic community is debating India’s policy options amidst the Trump disorder. To be sure, some of the core concerns in the bilateral relations — be it Delhi’s protectionist policies or fundamental fault lines on their respective visions of the global order — predate President Trump. As Delhi’s grand strategy gets tested, domestic debates are anchored on the theme of competing visions of order, strategic autonomy and the fluidity of choices, complexity in the China debate, and gaps in India’s potential and staying power. Any expectations of a decisive Indian pivot towards closer alignment with Washington are misplaced. Mapping the domestic debate largely reinforces the resilience of the established preferences for strategic autonomy and multi-alignment in navigating an increasingly fragmented international order.

Author
Titli Basu is an Associate Professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

DOI : https://doi.org/10.32381/IFAJ.2025.20.4.4

Price: 251

Trump 2.0 and Changing Indo-Pacific Strategic Dynamics: Implications for India

By: Rahul Mishra

Page No : 361-380

Abstract
The Indo-Pacific region is undergoing a significant transformation, driven by shifting power equations between the USA, China, and the rising Global South. Under Trump 2.0, US foreign policy has become unpredictable, marked by a preference for bilateralism, softened stances towards China and Russia, and diminishing commitment to minilateral frameworks like the Quad. For India, this prompts a reassessment of its approach to regional security and partnerships, including Quad, SCO, and the BRICS. As the strategic landscape evolves, India must navigate complex challenges and opportunities to safeguard its interests amidst the rise of the Global South, shifting alliances, and an apparent shift from a rules-based to a deals-based international order.

Author
Rahul Mishr
a is an Associate Professor, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, SIS, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India, and a Senior Research Fellow at the German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance, Thammasat University, Thailand
 

DOI : https://doi.org/10.32381/IFAJ.2025.20.4.5

Price: 251

Book Review
West Asia: A New American Grand Strategy in the Middle East, Polity Press Limited, Cambridge, UK, 2026 by Mohammed Soliman

By: Anil Trigunayat

Page No : 381-383

Price: 251

Document
Chair’s Statement and Outcome Document at BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting

By: Amb. Dr. Prakash Joshi

Page No : 384-406

Price: 251

Instruction to the Author

The Indian Foreign Affairs Journal: is a quarterly publication, the first of its type in India. In the context of India emerging as an important player in international affairs, the challenges before its foreign policy have been growing. The issues involved in India's foreign policy call for a larger debate and discussion both within and outside the country. The journal aims to cater to the need to bring in various perspectives on these developments and present policy options to the decision-makers, analysts, and interest groups, in the country.

Manuscript Submission
Manuscripts and all editorial correspondence should be addressed to:
The Editor,
Indian Foreign Affairs Journal,
Sapru House, Barakhamba Road,
New Delhi - 110001,
E-mail: ifajournal@gmail.com

General Guidelines
1. The journal invites contributions on all aspects of India's foreign policy and relations to be considered for publication. Manuscripts and all editorial correspondence should be addressed to: The Editor, Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, Sapru House, Barakhamba Road, New Delhi - 110001, E-mail: ifajournal@gmail.com
2. Affiliations with, complete postal and e-mail address of contributors must be provided along with their papers.
3. Articles should be typed on one side of the paper (preferably A 4) and double-spaced throughout (even for quotations, notes, references), accompanied by a soft copy (identical to the hard copy) in IBM compatible format, preferably in MS Word. (However should the author so wish, the hard copy can be generated at the editorial office).
4. Notes and references should be numbered serially and presented at the end of the article.
5. Use British rather than American spellings.
6. Use double quotes throughout. Single quotes marks used within double quotes. Spellings of words in quotations should not be changed. Quotations of three or more lines should be indented with single space, with a line space above and below.
7. Use 'twentieth century', '1990s'. Spell out numbers from one to ninety-nine, 100 and above to remain in figures. However, for exact measurements use only figures (3 km, 9 per cent not %). Use thousands and millions, not lakhs and crores.
8. Use of italics and diacriticals should be minimized, but used consistently.
9. Tables and figures to be indicated by number separately (see Table 1), not by placement (see Table below). Present each table and figure on a separate sheet of paper, gathering them together at the end of the article.
10. A consolidated alphabetical list of all books, articles, essays, and theses referred to (including referred tables, graphs, and maps) should be provided at the end of the article in double-spacing. All referred articles, books, and theses should be listed in alphabetical order giving the author's surname first followed by initials.

Books: Single Author : Chomsky, Noam. 1999. The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Books:
Books:More than one Author: Berridge, G. R. and Alan James. 2001. A Dictionary of Diplomacy. New York: Palgrave.
Edited : Singh, Jasjit. ed. 1998. Nuclear India. New Delhi: Knowledge World and IDSA.

Articles:
In Book : Subrahmanyam, K. 1998. 'Indian Nuclear Policy – 1964-98', in Jasjit Singh. ed., Nuclear India, New Delhi: Knowledge World and IDSA, pp. 26-52.
In Journal : Dubey, Muchkund. 2005. 'The Twelfth SAARC Summit: Deeper Integration in South Asia', South Asian Survey, vol. 12, no. 1, pp. 21-34.

Internet Sources:
Ganguly, Sumit, 'India's Foreign Policy Grows Up', World Policy Journal, vol. XX, no. 4, Winter 2003/04, [Online: web] Accessed 20 January 2006 URL: http://worldpolicy.org/journal/articles/wpj03-4/ganguly.html
11. Book reviews must contain name of author/editor and the book reviewed, place of publication and publisher, year of publication, number of pages and price.

All the manuscripts submitted for the Indian Foreign Affairs Journal (IFAJ) should accompany a covering letter giving an undertaking following certain principles under Ethical Policy.

The cover letter should include a written statement from the author(s) that:

1. The manuscript is an original research work and has not been published elsewhere including open access at the internet.

2. The data used in the research has not been manipulated, fabricated, or in any other way misrepresented to support the conclusions.

3. No part of the text of the manuscript has been plagiarised.

4. The manuscript is not under consideration for publication elsewhere.

5. The manuscript will not be submitted elsewhere for review while it is still under consideration for publication in the IFAJ.

The cover letter should also include an ethical statement disclosing any conflict of interest that may directly or indirectly impart bias to the research work. Conflict of interest most commonly arises from the source of funding, and therefore, the name(s) of funding agency must be mentioned in the cover letter. In case of no conflict of interest, please include the statement that “the authors declare that they have no conflict of interest”.

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