Indian Foreign Affairs Journal

Abstract
As global climate change accelerates, countries face increasing pressure to adopt sustainable energy pathways that reduce carbon emissions while supporting economic growth. For India, the world’s third-largest emitter and a rapidly expanding economy, transitioning to renewable energy and electric mobility is a strategic necessity. Most of the world’s lithium supply is concentrated in the so-called ‘Lithium Triangle,’ which covers Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile. By engaging with this region, India aims to achieve its sustainable energy goals through diversifying sources and building domestic capabilities. This essay, while highlighting the importance of the Lithium Triangle, argues that managing the geopolitics of lithium will be crucial in attaining its clean energy goals, expanding electric mobility, and contributing to global climate efforts.

Author:
Aprajita Kashyap is an Associate Professor in Latin American Studies, Centre for the Study of the Americas, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New, Delhi, India.
 

Abstract
The year 2025 marks the 75th anniversary of India-China diplomatic relations. New Delhi was one of the first countries to recognise the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and establish relations, in 1950. Both sides also share a 3000-year-long historical and civilisational connection. This historical connection is generally perceived as cooperative and non-confrontational. Recently, in a podcast, the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi asserted that, ‘there was no “real history of conflicts” between India and China and for centuries, India and China have learnt from each other and understood one another.’
However, the same cannot be said about the two modern nation states. Since the beginning these bilateral relations have been riddled with complications, mis-interpretations, and assumptions about each other. Beijing has generally formed and enacted its policies and actions towards New Delhi based on its perception of how it is placed in the global order. The role of the USA and Russia have been crucial in determining the course of India-China relations.
The other major factor has been China’s domestic politics and vulnerabilities. Most of the India-China border clashes can be rooted in its domestic political concerns. One of the primary factors driving the 1962 War was the Indian position towards Tibet. And, it would not be farfetched to say that the factors for the Galwan Clashes can be found in the COVID-19 pandemic.
These issues raise the question whether the two major geographical neighbours, economic powerhouses, and nuclear powers, have ever interacted with each other in a truly bilateral form. Does India exist as a stand-alone factor in China’s foreign policy and worldview? The border has been a challenge, but does it not also have the potential to push the relationship to a truly bilateral nature. Every time there has been an assertion over the border from the Chinese side, the cause can be perceived as external.
   With this backdrop, the essay below aims to discuss Chinese policy, bilateral as well as global, towards India, especially under Xi Jinping.

Author:
Gunjan Singh is an Associate Professor at Jindal Global Law School, O P Jindal Global University, Sonepat, Haryana, India.
 

Abstract
The MENA region is highly vulnerable to climate change, with GCC countries facing unique challenges due to their arid climate and reliance on finite resources. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) projects a sea level rise of 29–110 cm by 2100, threatening 24% of coastal GDP and 43 port cities, such as Abu Dhabi, Doha, and Bahrain, which could lose up to 15 km of coastline. The EY MENA Climate Change Readiness Index (CCRI) shows that GCC countries have reduced per capita emissions since 2015, driven by net-zero strategies, carbon capture, and renewables, but adaptation and mitigation strategies vary, with political tensions limiting regional cooperation.
India, with 50% of its workforce in agriculture, is equally vulnerable. From 1901–2018, average temperatures rose 0.7°C, altering growing seasons, with the India Meteorological Department reporting 2025’s February as the hottest in 124 years. India’s agritech sector, valued at a $24 billion opportunity with only 1.5% penetration, offers solutions like precision farming, IoT-enabled irrigation, drones, and heat-tolerant varieties. These innovations can enhance GCC’s local food production, reducing import reliance, critical as food security risks escalate. While specific agri-tech collaborations are not extensively documented in current academic discourse, the India-GCC Joint Action Plan 2024-2028 provides a framework for cooperation in emerging technologies, potentially including agri-tech. The two tables in the Appendix show this. These collaborations are crucial for policy-making, informing strategies for climate-smart agriculture, water-efficient technologies, and transboundary cooperation. Policies could promote joint ventures, incentivise investments in agri-tech, and address non-tariff barriers, enhancing food security and sustainable development. India’s agritech innovations offer significant potential to address GCC’s climate change challenges, with collaborations enhancing food security and informing policy. While specific partnerships are emerging, political and environmental complexities require strategic policy frameworks to maximise impact.

Author:
Shubhda Chaudhary, Founder of Middle East Insights Platform, Ph.D. (JNU), M.A. (University of Westminster, UK).
 

Abstract
The Pacific Island Countries (PICs) have gained strategic presence in the Indo-Pacific frame of reference in spite of being known as too small and insignificant to play a meaningful role in international politics. Escalating US-China rivalry and its influence in the Pacific has led the stakeholders of the Indo-Pacific to desire a lucrative, ‘free, open, inclusive, prosperous, and a peaceful Indo-Pacific.’The Pacific, comprising the micro states, scattered island countries, along with Australia and New Zealand, are a vast platform for constructive engagement for India. India’s Indo-Pacific strategy intersects with both the Look-to-Act East Policy and ‘extended neighbourhood’ policy. During the Cold War, the Pacific Rim Countries, especially Australia, New Zealand, and the USA (ANZUS), had fortressed the region from the erstwhile USSR. But China had already entered with aid diplomacy and security pacts that are strewn with secrecy, but showcasing its economic interests which have strategic ramifications have intensified competition. This essay focuses on India’s Indo- Pacific strategy, and its Pacific tilt. The PICs have made it evident that size does not matter in international politics, and have emerged both as strategic partners and game changers.

Author:
Shubhamitra Das is an Associate Professor, Center for Indo-Pacific Studies (CIPS), School of International Studies (SIS), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.
 

Author:
Ambassador V. B. Soni to Ambassador Achal Malhotra, Managing Editor.
 

Author:
Shubhda Chaudhary, Founder of Middle East Insights Platform, Ph.D. (JNU), M.A. (University of Westminster, UK)
 

Abstract
The global economic, trade, aid and financial system is in big turmoil and transition, especially after the US President Donald Trump began dismantling the global trade and aid order. Economic security is multi-dimensional. While the ability to consume goods and services to meet a dignified standard of human needs is the consumption security, investment, trade, and aid security are also very important dimensions of economic security for India. India has been slapped with one of the highest tariffs (50%), with India’s purchase of Russian oil becoming a compounding factor in addition to high tariffs and non-tariff barriers. There does not seem to be a US centric solution in sight as India will not leave its self-imposed redlines on agricultural produce. Diversifying trade to other countries, and increasing domestic consumption might be the better way forward. India is witnessing subdued foreign direct investment flows, and there has been an increasing tendency for foreign portfolio investors to also reduce their investments in India. India had stopped taking foreign aid in the early 2000s, and it may not matter much for the USA to dismantle its aid agency and diplomacy. India remains vulnerable on the foreign exchange front as well. There are important developments in international currency markets with the advent of stablecoins. India needs to alter its attitude towards cryptocurrencies, most specifically stablecoins soon.

Author
Subhash Chandra Garg is the author of ‘The $10 Trillion Dream’ and a Former Finance Secretary.
 

Abstract

It was a typical August evening in 1947 when Indian army officers gathered at the Imperial Gymkhana Club (later Delhi Gymkhana Club) to bid farewell to their British and Pakistani counterparts.1 Conflicting emotions of hope, joy, agony and trepidation swept the gathering. A nation had been torn asunder — India was being partitioned and Pakistan was being carved out. On August 15, at the stroke of the midnight hour, India attained freedom after almost two centuries of colonial subjugation and depredation. However, the seeds of future conflict had been firmly planted, notwithstanding the bonhomie, contrived in some cases, that was displayed at the Gymkhana Club that evening. Many friends and comrades-in-arms would confront each other in battle before the year ran out, and in the ensuing decades. The story of three officers present on that occasion, whose lives and careers would intersect in times to come, is worth recounting. Lt. Col. S.H.F.J. Manekshaw was General Staff Officer 1 (G 1) in the Military Operations Directorate; Maj. Yahya Khan was G2 and Capt. S. K. Sinha was G3 in the same directorate at Army Headquarters.2 Till his Humber came from Peshawar, Yahya would occasionally ride pillion with Sinha in his Norton from the Wellesley Road (Zakir Hussain Marg) Officers Mess to South Block.

Author
Yashvardhan K. Sinha served as Deputy Secretary, Joint Secretary and Additional Secretary at the Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi, handling Pakistan. He also served as Counsellor and Head of the Political Wing at the High Commission of India, Islamabad. He retired from the Indian Foreign Service in 2018 as High Commissioner to the UK. Subsequently, he was appointed Chief Information Commissioner, Central Information Commission. He demitted office in 2023.
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Abstract
With the rise of the polycentric world order, the importance of middle powers as crucial players with the ability to influence international governance, resolve disputes, and promote multilateral cooperation has increased. Due to growing geopolitical rivalries, especially the Sino-US rivalry, shrinking confidence in international organisations, and the emergence of issue-based alignments, the changing role of middle powers needs to be explored. This essay demonstrates how nations like South Africa, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, India, Turkiye, the UAE, Qatar and others, utilise economic power, diplomatic action, and strategic autonomy to influence regional and global outcomes. Their participation has increased in peace mediation, as in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine to problems in West Asia. This highlights how middle powers have a stabilising ability even in situations when big powers remain divided. Middle power alliances, such as BRICS plus, QUAD, 12U2, and other trilaterals, which allow these nations to enhance the scope of negotiations and collectively pursue common goals in climate change, development, and technology, are also examined in the article. Their soft power advantages and commitment to multipolarity have enhanced their international status, despite the presence of power rivalries among them. The essay uses India as a distinctive and notable example to examine how middle powers will continue to play a crucial role in maintaining equilibrium, promoting reforms, and fostering cooperative mechanisms in the evolving world order.

Author
Anil Trigunayat is a former Indian Ambassador to Jordan, Libya and Malta. He is also a Distinguished Fellow with prestigious Think Tanks like Vivekananda International Foundation and United Services Institute of India.
 

Abstract
The recent political developments in Nepal have been unprecedented in the country’s history. Young Nepalis, popularly known as Generation Z or Gen Z, brought the country to a standstill through their intense street protests against corruption. They not only brought down the K.P. Oli government but also chose the former Chief Justice of the country, Sushila Karki, to the position of Prime Minister. This essay attempts to examine the how and why of the protest.

Author
Professor Sangeeta Thapliyal is a faculty member in the School of International Studies, JNU
 

Abstract
In the wake of unprecedented political shifts in Nepal and the toughest transition it is confronting as of now, India needs a new prism to view its relationship with its Himalayan neighbour, keeping in mind the past, present, and the future possibilities. In a new democracy, with a deep footprint of active monarchy for about two hundred-forty years, Nepal’s position is uniquely shaped as it offers enough room to look back as much as to look ahead. The broad disillusionment from chronic misgovernance, rampant corruption, and thriving nepotism — added with a gag order of banning social media apps by the KP Oli government followed by a shootout order on the protesting youth (Generation Z or Gen Z) — caused the losses of precious lives (nearly eighty young protesters died, and over five hundred were badly injured) that finally triggered the mass scale nationwide vandalism, targeting party offices, politicians’ houses and symbols of power centres (including Singha Durbar, Parliament Building, Supreme Court), commercial establishments, and the headquarters of Nepal’s leading media group. As the Great Game 2.0 begins in a shaky Nepal, India has to reorient its Nepal policy keeping in view the new challenges at the strategic and economic fronts. This essay focuses broadly on the new realities offered by a new and aspirational Nepal, and the ways to reboot India’s bilateral relations with Nepal

Author
Atul K. Thakur is a policy professional, columnist and writer. His latest book (co-authored), “Kathmandu Chronicle: Reclaiming India-Nepal Relations; Penguin Random House India”, offers unique insights on Nepal and India-Nepal Relations. The views expressed are personal.
 

Author
Aprajita Kashyap is an Associate Professor in Latin American Studies, Centre for the Study of the Americas, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New, Delhi, India.
 

Abstract
Resource constraints and commitment to Non-Alignment historically explain India’s limited expenditure on defence. Moreover, it remained so despite the country’s periodic wars with hostile neighbours in 1962, 1965, and 1971. The signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation in 1971 was an important landmark in India’s quest for self-reliance. It marked the start of the co-production and co-development of varied defence platforms, including through Transfer of Technology (ToT). It is estimated that more than 200 industrial units in India currently have ties with the Russian defence industry for local manufacturing, repair, and maintenance of Russian-origin equipment. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought home the hard reality of import dependence and geopolitical uncertainty, underscoring the urgent imperative of self-reliance in defence procurement. An important path suggested was to gradually raise the indigenous component in defence procurement. The Kargil war of 1999 came as a reality check. For the past five decades, the country had more or less followed the same lackadaisical policies concerning defence production, Research and Development (R&D), planning, and resource allocation, citing the same reasons such as economic constraints, anodyne threat perceptions, and politicobureaucratic procrastination. Defence production was in the hands of public-sector companies, and defence-related R&D suffered from a lack of funding.The Kargil war was a wake-up call. Concerted policy measures were taken towards raising the level of ‘self-reliance’ in defence procurement in the years following the Kargil war. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his maiden Independence Day speech on August 15, 2014, from the ramparts of historic Red Fort in Delhi, gave a call for ‘Make in India’. Since then, ‘Atmanirbharta’ has become the mantra underlying various defence policy initiatives, as in many other sectors of the Indian economy. ‘Atmanirbharta’ in defence production is deemed a necessary prerequisite for exercising strategic autonomy. In the true sense of the term, self-reliance in defence implies the ability to use one’s own resources and capabilities to design and develop cutting edge technologies, remain ahead of one’s adversaries in technological advancement and innovation, access raw materials required for defence production, and harness these resources to manufacture state-of-the-art equipment, platforms and weapon systems, including critical components like aeroengines. It also implies ensuring an uninterrupted supply of rare earth elements and critical minerals, such as lithium, cobalt, nickel, graphite, and titanium, all of which are essential for the manufacture of advanced defense systems. The changing nature of warfare, and rapidly increasing role of AI-driven autonomous weapon systems, or ‘killer robots’, has added a new dimension to India’s quest for self-reliance in defence. Judged by this yardstick, there are several notable gains; but import dependence on critical components also remains. It means, there is a lot of catching up to be done. Self-reliance remains a long term project. It is not simply a function of ensuring local manufacturing of defence equipment and maximising the IC in locally manufactured products, if such manufacturing is critically dependent on the import of raw materials, components, assemblies, or technologies. In the end, it is investment in R&D which holds the key to self-reliance in design and the development of major military platforms and weapons which, in turn, guarantees  some measure of strategic autonomy.

Author
Amit Cowshish, Ex-Financial Advisor (Acquisition), Ministry of Defence, Government of India.
 

Abstract
India joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) as a member in 2017, after years of deliberation while maintaining Observer status. The growth of the SCO from a border dispute resolving mechanism, formed in 1996 as the ‘Shanghai Five’, to a consequential and expanding geo-strategic organisation has to be analysed in the evolving global scenario. For India, the SCO presents both a platform of strategic opportunities and a space of complex geopolitical contestations. India’s strategic posture within the SCO has undergone a significant transformation since its entry as a full member in 2017. No longer content with passive participation, India has adopted a more assertive and principled role in shaping the organisation’s agenda. The journey of India in SCO, following the ‘SECURE’ vision and, thereafter, the process of integration and the driving the agenda is the mainstay of this essay.

Author
Ambassador (Retd.) Madhumita Hazarika Bhagat was India’s first National Coordinator for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) when India joined the SCO as a full Member State, she helmed the newly established SCO Division, in the Ministry of External Affairs, from 2017 to 2019. She has served as High Commissioner of India in the Republic of Cyprus and as Ambassador of India to Turkmenistan.
 

Abstract
Canada and India have been working to ‘reset’ their bilateral ties. They agreed upon a ‘new roadmap’ a year ago. The two sides have admittedly made more progress on the ‘new roadmap’ in the last one year than they did in the last two decades combined. What has happened? For some two years, the relationship between the two countries was on a downward spiral. Who is Mike Carney, and why does he find India a potential partner in the unstable, and largely unpredictable, world order? It is a ‘hinge moment’ in Canada’s diplomatic history. The Liberal International Order (LIO), set up after World War II, is gone. In Canada’s worldview, it is the moment of ‘rupture’, not ‘transition’, of the global order. The age of great power arbitrariness has returned. Great powers are out to use integration as a weapon, tariffs as leverage, financial infrastructure as coercion, and supply chains as vulnerabilities. What is likely to be replaced is issue-specific and interest-based coalitions of likeminded countries — more as a plurilateral rather than some new multilateral arrangement. There is great mutual interest for middle powers, like Canada and India, to collaborate in this situation for a rule-based order. Bilateral relations have swiftly progressed beyond the conventional areas of trade, immigration, and nuclear cooperation. Cooperation in critical minerals, AI, investment, high technology collaboration, higher education, space, defence, and maritime security are their new calling. The vision of Viksit Bharat and Build Canada Strong are found to be aligned. Canada claims it has ‘what the world wants’. On its part, India wants to make it the ‘New Level Partnership’. This time, it could really be different as two countries shrug off the baggage of the past half-a-century, and move forward.

Author
Abdul Nafey is Professor of Canadian Studies. He was formerly at Jawaharlal Nehru University.
 

Abstract
Renewable energy is vital for global low-carbon transition and climate change mitigation; yet its expansion largely depends on a secured supply of critical mineral resources and supply chain resilience. Taking consideration of this vital aspect, collaboration between India and the Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) region counts as a strategic pathway to address this necessity. India aims to reinforce its renewable footprint in the LAC markets, while LAC states seek to leverage their rich mineral resources while expanding domestic renewable energy production capacity. However, both structural and operational challenges limit India- LAC’s deeper engagement. This essay critically examines India-LAC cooperation in the critical minerals used in the renewable sectors, highlighting opportunities and constraints, and strategies to enhance partnerships, thereby assisting renewable energy deployment for a concrete enforcement of the energy transition process.

Author
Sanjay Kumar Pradhan is Associate Professor and Head of the Department of International Relations, School of Liberal Studies, Pandit Deendayal Energy University, Gandhinagar.
 

Authors
Rajiv Bhatia is a Distinguished Fellow at Gateway House, and a former Ambassador who has served in several Indian Ocean capitals. He is a regular columnist, public speaker, and author who has published three books on India’s foreign policy, namely India in Global Affairs (KW, 2015), India-Myanmar Relations: Changing Contours (Routledge, 2016), and India-Africa Relations: Changing Horizons (Routledge, 2022).

Anil K. Wadhwa is a former Ambassador who has held several diplomatic assignments including in China. He is a Distinguished Fellow at Vivekanand International Foundation. A prolific writer, he has contributed a number of articles on foreign policy, disarmament and international security.

Chintamani Mahapatra is Founder Chairperson, Kalinga Institute of Indo-pacific Studies; Editor, India Quarterly; and former Professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author
Satish Kumar is Professor of Political Science, Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU), New Delhi.

Author
Col R.C. Patial, SM, FRGS, PhD, is a retired Infantry officer of 11 GR. He possesses the unique experience of serving in active CI Ops across the country and in Sri Lanka. He has served with the NSCS as a Senior Defence Specialist and in NTRO as OSINT Chief Editor. He is a regular writer on military matters, mountaineering, travelogues and international relations. The veteran is a keen mountaineer and a trekker. He is currently the Principal of Amity Indian Military College, Manesar.

Abstract
The joint United States–Israel military campaign against Iran, designated Operation Epic Fury and launched on 28 February 2026, stands as one of the most significant failures of coercive diplomacy in the post-Cold War era. This essay employs a social constructivist framework to analyse the multilateral diplomatic theatrics surrounding the crisis, arguing that the outbreak of the crisis reflects not a lack of diplomatic effort but rather the structural incapacity of a fragmented multipolar order to prioritise collective negotiated outcomes over illegal unilateral military actions.

The essay begins by questioning the terminology used to describe the ongoing crisis and its etymological origins. It examines the factors that led to the crisis, and how performative diplomacy has disrupted the global architecture of inter-subjectivity and shared meanings. Additionally, it explores the roles of mediators, such as Oman, Egypt, Turkiye, and Pakistan, as well as the structural rhetoric of Russia and China. The essay also discusses the pragmatic reasons behind India’s conspicuous absence from mediation efforts during its BRICS Presidency, along with the lingering colonial and imperial perspectives of the UK and France regarding energy security, and Germany’s Holocaust guilt which hindered any significant breakthroughs — although, perhaps, this was never intended. While

the role of the United Nations is acknowledged, the essay deliberately avoids a detailed focus on its various resolutions, which often carry optics and threats rather than binding action, thus highlighting the institution’s lack of moral, legal, or enforcement capacity.

The essay also questions how diplomacy has been weaponised, its ethics eroded, and how the geopolitical appetite for more wars and crises has grown. It asks whether the US-Israeli war on Iran sets a template for the future world order that academia cannot easily extrapolate. In conclusion, the essay deliberately adopts a Socratic approach to provoke thought, aiming to create an intersection of thought and praxis, and perhaps effect change, however small it may be.

Author:
Shubhda Chaudhary, founder of Middle East Insights Platform, Ph.D. (JNU), and an M.A. from the University of Westminster, UK.
 

Abstract
The second US-Israeli attack on Iran, and Iran’s horizontal escalation against the Gulf States have long-term implications for the US-led security architecture in the Persian Gulf. Iran’s ability to wage a war of attrition against the Gulf States, and its control of the Strait of Hormuz have further securitised their view of Iran. As security and deterrence become prime concerns, the Gulf States will be more determined to diversify their security partnerships, strengthen their national defence capabilities and autonomy, and recalibrate their long-standing security relationship with the USA, as defined by US security bases in exchange for ‘security guarantees’. The Gulf States will likely adopt divergent approaches to security and technological cooperation with Israel, which is widely seen as striving for region wide military dominance.

The second US-Israeli attack on Iran, and Iran’s horizontal escalation against the Gulf States have long-term implications for the US-led security architecture in the Persian Gulf. Iran’s ability to wage a war of attrition against the Gulf States, and its control of the Strait of Hormuz have further securitised their view of Iran. As security and deterrence become prime concerns, the Gulf States will be more determined to diversify their security partnerships, strengthen their national defence capabilities and autonomy, and recalibrate their long-standing security relationship with the USA, as defined by US security bases in exchange for ‘security guarantees’. The Gulf States will likely adopt divergent approaches to security and technological cooperation with Israel, which is widely seen as striving for region wide military dominance. to contribute to de-escalation and enduring stability in the Persian Gulf region, including the maritime choke point of the Strait’ of Hormuz.

Author
Deepika Saraswat is an Associate Fellow with the West Asia Centre at MP-IDSA, New Delhi.
 

Abstract
The US-Israel attack on Iran in February 2026 has had profound implications for the security of West Asia and the broader global order. Beyond the immediate impact on global trade, foreign remittances and air travel, it has compromised international norms and raised questions on the future of the rules-based international order. For India and South Asia, much of the focus has been on the economic impact given the heavy dependence of countries in the region on commodity imports that transit the Strait of Hormuz. However, less recognised or acknowledged are the broader strategic implications of the conflict for India and its regional security over the longer term. From creating a feedback loop between the India Pakistan rivalry and regional rivalries in West Asia to testing India’s longstanding commitment to strategic autonomy amid India’s deepening engagement with Israel at the cost of its longstanding relationship with Iran, and India’s broader ambitions to be a voice of the Global South, the Iran conflict provides a microcosm of the opportunities and challenges facing Indian foreign policy.

Author
Chietigj Bajpaee is a Senior Fellow for South Asia, Asia-Pacific Programme, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London.
 

Abstract
As US’s strategic bet on India erodes, a sharper reflection on Delhi’s strategic reality and choices are urgent. Trump 2.0 has demonstrated decisiveness in imposing costs on Delhi. While President Trump’s unilateral tariffs have dented the strategic imperative underpinning bilateral ties, political signalling around the India-Pakistan conflict has contributed to a perceived erosion of strategic trust, underscoring expectation gaps. This has prompted deeper scrutiny of whether President Trump has disrupted the longstanding bipartisan consensus on Delhi’s strategic utility, and perceived exceptionalism in American grand strategy. As Delhi searches for pragmatic solutions, it is pertinent to unpack how the strategic community is debating India’s policy options amidst the Trump disorder. To be sure, some of the core concerns in the bilateral relations — be it Delhi’s protectionist policies or fundamental fault lines on their respective visions of the global order — predate President Trump. As Delhi’s grand strategy gets tested, domestic debates are anchored on the theme of competing visions of order, strategic autonomy and the fluidity of choices, complexity in the China debate, and gaps in India’s potential and staying power. Any expectations of a decisive Indian pivot towards closer alignment with Washington are misplaced. Mapping the domestic debate largely reinforces the resilience of the established preferences for strategic autonomy and multi-alignment in navigating an increasingly fragmented international order.

Author
Titli Basu is an Associate Professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Abstract
The Indo-Pacific region is undergoing a significant transformation, driven by shifting power equations between the USA, China, and the rising Global South. Under Trump 2.0, US foreign policy has become unpredictable, marked by a preference for bilateralism, softened stances towards China and Russia, and diminishing commitment to minilateral frameworks like the Quad. For India, this prompts a reassessment of its approach to regional security and partnerships, including Quad, SCO, and the BRICS. As the strategic landscape evolves, India must navigate complex challenges and opportunities to safeguard its interests amidst the rise of the Global South, shifting alliances, and an apparent shift from a rules-based to a deals-based international order.

Author
Rahul Mishra is an Associate Professor, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, SIS, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India, and a Senior Research Fellow at the German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance, Thammasat University, Thailand
 

Author:
Aparajita Biswas is Former Professor and Director, Centre for African Studies, University of Mumbai, India
 

Author:
Ambassador Gurjit Singh is a former diplomat with thirty-seven years of international experience. He was Ambassador of India to Germany, Indonesia and ASEAN, Ethiopia and the African Union. He was Joint Secretary on the Africa Desk in the MEA twice since 2001
 

Author:
G S Iyer is a retired Ambassador of India who started his service abroad in China and has maintained a lifelong interest in studying developments in China. He has written A China Primer, an interpretation of China’s history and culture for the general Indian audience.
 

Authors:
Sanjay Kumar Pandey is a Professor, Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. E-mail: skpandeyjnu@gmail.com
Dr Ankur Yadav, Special Centre for National Security Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Authors:
Priti Singh is Chairperson & Professor, Centre for Canadian, US & Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Aprajita Kashyap is Assistant Professor, Centre for Canadian, US & Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
 

Author:
Stuti Banerjee is Senior Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi. The views expressed are personal.
 

Author:
Sameena Hameed is a Professor, Centre for West Asian Studies, School of International Studies Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author:
Sima Baidya is an Assistant Professor in the Centre for West Asian Studies, School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University.
 

Author:
Yogendra Kumar is a former ambassador and commentator on foreign and security issues. His most recent book, Geopolitics in the Era of Globalisation: Mapping an Alternative Global Future, has been published by Routledge, 2021.

Author:
Saurabh Kumar is former Ambassador of India to Vietnam. Ireland, and Austria and UN International Organizations in Vienna, He was also Visiting Professor, Council for Social Development, and Former Adjunct Professor (2010-20) National Institute of Advanced Studies,  IISc Campus, Bangalore.
 

Abstract
The fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government in Bangladesh has thrown up serious geo-political challenges for India. This essay discusses the underlying causes of the political upheaval in Bangladesh. It recalls and evaluates the development of India-Bangladesh relations during Sheikh Hasina’s rule, during which bilateral relations were marked by several positive developments. Yet, there were important issues, such as water sharing arrangements, which remained unresolved, seemingly to the disadvantage of Bangladesh. A narrative was floated that Sheikh Hasina was being soft towards India, which in turn helped build up an anti-India sentiment among certain sections of Bangladesh’s society. The author assesses that in the short term, the interim government, or the government to be formed post-election in Bangladesh, is unlikely to be sensitive to India’s interests and concerns, in contrast to Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League. However, in the long run, Bangladesh will have to closely engage with India due to the interplay of geography as well as economic and political factors.

Author :
Amit Ranjan is a Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore, Singapore.
 

Abstract
India and China have been embroiled in a prolonged border dispute, marked by differing interpretations of the Line of Actual Control and escalating military pressures. This article examines the strategic implications of the ‘China factor’ on India’s evolving remote warfare strategy, highlighting the urgent need for technological advancements to address security challenges posed by China’s rapid military modernisation and growing influence in the Indian Ocean region. China’s aggressive AI-driven advancements and maritime ambitions underscore the widening power imbalance, prompting India to shift its military strategy from ‘deterrence by denial’ to ‘deterrence by punishment’. The article explores India’s rationale for adopting remote warfare capabilities, emphasising the strategic advantages of drones, AI-enabled systems, and autonomous technologies in enhancing border security, and mitigating risks in hard-to-reach terrains. It discusses India’s efforts to modernise its armed forces through indigenous production, international collaborations, and policy reforms, including the integration of AI in military operations. Challenges such as inconsistent implementation, limited funding, and a lack of comprehensive alignment between national policy and military strategy are critically analysed. The article concludes by recommending measures to strengthen India’s remote warfare capabilities, asserting that bridging these gaps is essential for safeguarding sovereignty, counterbalancing regional adversaries, and asserting India’s role as a major global power.

Authors:
Dalbir Ahlawat is Senior Lecturer, Department of Security Studies and Criminology, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia and Japan Foundation Indo-Pacific Partnership Research Fellow.
Shamima Pervin is a Research Scholar, Department of Security Studies and Criminology, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia.
 

Abstract
‘Israel-Palestine’ has always been one of the most geopolitically sensitive subjects in global politics. This essay does not primarily treat it as a subfield of international relations and diplomacy, but focuses on the social production of knowledge regarding two distinct entities through India’s de-hyphenated approach to foreign policy. This de-hyphenated approach is part of India’s larger multi-vector foreign policy strategy to engage with international actors, entities, and states in an independent manner.

Author:
Shubhda Chaudhary is the Founder of the Middle East Insights Platform, and a former Assistant Professor and journalist. She holds a Ph D from Jawaharlal Nehru University.
 

Abstract
Morocco is located at the confluence of the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. Inhabited by followers of Islam, Christianity and Judaism followers, Morocco has set an example of social stability and harmony. In this essay, I have endeavoured to establish the geo-strategic importance of Morocco, the role it has played in combating international terrorism and countering radicalism as well as the opportunities it offers in other diverse areas. Further, the evolving strategic partnership between India and Morocco through cooperation and collaboration in Food Security, Health, Defence, and Security (including through the participation of the private sector), Culture, and Defence Cooperation — (through capacity building) — has been analysed at length.

Author :
Dr. Kheya Bhattacharya is a former diplomat. She was India’s Ambassador to Morocco from 2016 to 2019.
 

Abstract
The five Nordic countries — Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Sweden, and Norway — are amongst the most advanced in the world in terms of economy, technology, innovativeness, and sustainability. They share values of democracy and of people-centric growth policies with India. In this essay, I have drawn a pen picture of these five countries, and described in some detail how their ties with India have developed over recent times, both bilaterally and within the framework set by the India-Nordic Summits. The survey shows that while relations are moving in the right direction in many areas, such as trade and investment, green industrial transition, critical and emerging technologies like AI, 6G, and the blue economy, enormous potential remains to be tapped from the remarkable fit between India’s strengths and development priorities over the next three decades and the capabilities and needs of the Nordic region. Based on these complementarities, I have suggested a set of specific measures which could transform India-Nordic cooperation into a strategic partnership which could produce larger mutual benefits not only for the partners but could also contribute to global goals.

Author :
Banashri Bose Harrison is a retired Foreign Service Officer. She was head of the Central Europe Division in MEA from June 2010 to August 2012, and served thereafter for 4 years as Ambassador to Sweden and Latvia. She has done post-graduation from the Delhi School of Economics, and holds an M. Phil degree in Security and Strategic Studies. She has also earned a certificate for the study of International Relations from Oxford University.
 

Author :
Shubhda Chaudhary is the Founder of the Middle East Insights Platform, and a former Assistant Professor and journalist. She holds a Ph D from Jawaharlal Nehru University.
 

Author
Amb. Gitesh Sarma is a former High Commissioner to Australia, Fiji and the Pacific Islands and a former Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs.
 

Author
G S Iyer is a retired Ambassador of India who started his service abroad in China and has maintained a lifelong interest in studying developments in China. He has written A China Primer, an interpretation of China’s history and culture for the general Indian audience.
 

Abstract
The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) has undergone a profound transformation in Sri Lankan politics, evolving from a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist movement vehemently opposed to India into a pragmatic political party. This shift stems from internal reforms, post-civil war realities, and changing geopolitical dynamics in South Asia. Critical issues such as the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, the Tamil national question, and the JVP’s entry into democratic politics have marked its ideological and strategic evolution. After the end of the civil war, the JVP directed attention to inclusive governance and balanced foreign policy, strengthening ties with India while safeguarding Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. The JVP-NPP coalition’s 2024 electoral victories highlight this pragmatic turn, with economic cooperation, regional stability, and reconciliation efforts shaping a renewed bilateral relationship. These developments redefine JVP’s role, and have broader implications for Sri Lanka’s domestic politics and regional geopolitics.

Author
Ajay Darshan Behera is a Professor at the MMAJ Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.
 

Author
Dr. Shubhda Chaudhary is Founder, Middle East Insights Platform.
 

Abstract
This research essay is on the interplay of narratives with geopolitical alignments considering the China-India bilateral as elucidatory. Three issues influence China-India relations:the boundary dispute stasis, trade issues, and foreign policy decision making vis á vis each other. Adopting a critical tone with thoughtful insights, the essay highlights the lack of frameworks to situate this vital bilateral relationship. In global terms, their populations comprise one-third of humanity and, despite being territorial neighbours, mutual obliviousness is a constant feature. By establishing their differing styles and perceptions of each other, this essay contributes new variables that will add to the growing literature on China-India relations. China with economic ballast has succeeded in creating an aura for itself, making many wary. India, as a different political construct from China, holds promise of economic success, with kaleidoscopic interpretations on every aspect.

Author
Raviprasad Narayanan is Associate Professor, Center for East Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author
Nirupama Subramanian is an independent print media journalist, primarily focused on strategic affairs.

Author :
P. R. Kumaraswamy : Professor of Middle Eastern Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Khalid Abdalla Abdel Wahab Ahmed : Sudanese commentator on regional and international affairs. He is currently working as the Political Affairs Officer, British Embassy Khartoum, Sudan. Views expressed are personal. 
 

Author :
J. K. Tripathi : Ambassador (Retd.) J. K. Tripathi is a former diplomat, who retired as India’s Ambassador to Zimbabwe. He has been writing articles and frequently appearing on leading T.V. channels on various aspects of international affairs.
 

Abstract
India-Canada relations have deteriorated in recent months. This essay argues that ‘diaspora politics’ have become entrenched in the Canadian electoral democratic process. The Canadian Sikh diaspora is able to punch above its weight in domestic politics and foreign policy. The Khalistani ‘doom loop’ has ensnared the bilateral relationship between the two countries perceptibly for the long term. Economic, commercial, and cultural relations, however, continue to show promise, and remain unaffected by the current controversy. The need is to firewall the strategic partnership that is mutually rewarding.

Author :
Pooja Gopal : Assistant Professor in Political Science, Maitreyi College, University of Delhi.
 

Parliament Question and Answer on India’s Assistance to Sri Lanka
Prime Minister Modi’s Remarks (21st July, 2023) at the Joint Press Conference on the Occasion of Sri Lanka President’s Visit to India
Voice of Global South Summit
Summary of Deliberations: Voice of Global South Summit 2023 (January 12-13, 2023)
Transcript of Special Briefing by Foreign Secretary (January 06, 2023)
2nd Voice of Global South Summit
Chair’s summary: 2nd Voice of the Global South Summit (November 17, 2023)
Transcript of Special Briefing by Foreign Secretary on the 2nd Voice of Global South Summit (November 17, 2023)
 

Author :
Gitesh Sarma : Amb. Gitesh Sarma is a former High Commissioner to Australia, Fiji and the Pacific Islands and a former Secretary, the Ministry of External Affairs.
 

Author :
Jitendra Uttam : Prof. Jitendra Uttam is a Professor of East Asian Studies at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University.
 

Author :
Tunchinmang Langel : Dr. Tunchinmang Langel is a Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs. He holds a PhD from Jawaharlal Nehru University, with a specialisation in Indo-Pacific.
 

Author :
Sandip Kumar Mishra : Prof. Sandip Kumar Mishra is a Professor of East Asian Studies at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University.
 

Author :
N. Sathiya Moorthy : N Sathiya Moorthy is a Chennai-based Policy Analyst & Political Commentator.
 

Author :
Bhaswati Sarkar : Prof. Bhaswati Sarkar is a Professor of European Studies at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University.
 

Author :
Dinesh Kumar Pandey : Prof. D. K. Pandey is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies. He is a retired Group Captain.
 

Abstract
With the world system moving from a bipolar to a multipolar structure, and the world agenda shifting from narrow high-politics to lowpolitics, there is a need to critically examine the impact of emerging countries on regionalism and the regional systems of the Global South. Uplifted by its economic growth, India is exerting to play a more active role beyond its immediate neighbourhood by developing critical partnerships with regional and extra-regional players. As a result of India’s expanding ties with the Vanilla Island countries, India has recently been accepted as an observer in the Indian Ocean Commission. While France has traditionally dominated this region due to its shared history, China has also been increasingly asserting its position here. Against the backdrop of Chinese presence continuing to shore up as well as the mounting tension between the USA and Iran over the Mozambique Channel, the competition between these powers could spill over into the region and impact the peace, stability, and ongoing constructive cooperation efforts. This essay takes India as a case study, and attempts to determine the impact of India’s assertive policies in the region. By examining the theoretical constructs of regionalism, the paper examines the impact of India’s increasing assertiveness in the region, and its impact on WIO regionalism at a theoretical as well as empirical level.

Author :
Samir Bhattacharya
He is specializes in geopolitics with particular reference to Africa in a changing global order. He is a Doctoral scholar at Jawaharlal Nehru University and Senior Research Associate at Vivekananda International Foundation.
 

Author :
Rajeev Agarwal
Colonel (Retd.) Rajeev Agarwal, is a former Director, Military Intelligence and Former Director Ministry of External Affairs. He is currently an Assistant Director at MPIDSA. He has published three books.
 

Author :
Dattesh D Parulekar
He is an Assistant Professor at the School of International and Area Studies, Goa University.
 

Author :
Aditi Bhaduri
The founder-editor of International Affairs Review, a bilingual portal publishing in English and Russian. Besides, she has translated archival documents and literary works from Russian to English. She is a journalist and analyst, specializing on Central and West Asia.
 

Author :
Anil Trigunayat
He is a former diplomat, former Ambassador, Distinguished Fellow, Vivekanand International Foundation, and closely associated with several think tanks dedicated to the study of international affairs.
 

Abstract
The paper looks at the Khalistan movement, amidst the recent hunt and arrest of radical preacher Amritpal Singh. It studies how the movement has changed since the campaign for a sovereign Sikh state went global in the 1970s; and what the demand for Khalistan entails today. It studies the role the Sikh diaspora in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and the United States has played; and how recent events, particularly, protests at Indian High Commissions in these countries reflects the ambivalence of India’s ‘allies’ towards the separatists. The paper argues that while the nature of the threat posed by Khalistani separatists is much milder today than it was decades ago, the challenge for the Indian government will be the influence of the Sikh diaspora on foreign politicians and New Delhi’s ability to discredit the movement abroad.

Author :
Kriti M. Shah
(Graduate of McGill University, Canada) a freelance political analyst and writer. As a former Associate Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation in New Delhi, her research focused on Afghanistan, Pakistan and Kashmir and also on Terrorist organizations and their links with Pakistan military-intelligence establishment. She was also a former reporter at NDTV.
 

Abstract
In the two decades following the devastating Tsunami of 2004, India has emerged as a global leader not just in having a well-defined structure for mitigating disasters but also in providing humanitarian support to other countries affected by disasters. The Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) (2005–2010) brought vulnerable communities in disaster zones into key focus of decision making; it also emphasized preparedness (resilience building to enable communities to bounce back faster) as an important area of state responsibility. The Sendai Framework (2015–2030) that followed Hyogo evolved further by indicating that ‘risk identification’ helps timely action. As disasters observe no political boundaries, so disaster management strives to overcome every political and ideological division to cooperate, collaborate, and hand hold affected nations. Resilience building includes a strategy to prevent other nations from succumbing to disasters its impact is never confined to the one victim nation alone but spreads to other nations in different ways.
In the previous decade, India has unswervingly sent relief material as well as shared her experience, expertise, and technology for the longterm resilience building of several countries. The Disaster Management Act 2005 has provided a statutory framework for global resilience building, and the National Disaster Response Force (NDRF) as a new team of ‘Samaritan Diplomats’ has helped India in image building, winning trust, and forming alliances. This goes a long way in strengthening both resilient infrastructure and sustainable projects, such as the ‘Solar Alliance’, and also create sturdy platforms for Abstract In the two decades following the devastating Tsunami of 2004, India has emerged as a global leader not just in having a well-defined structure for mitigating disasters but also in providing humanitarian support to other countries affected by disasters. The Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) (2005–2010) brought vulnerable communities in disaster zones into key focus of decision making; it also emphasized preparedness (resilience building to enable communities to bounce back faster) as an important area of state responsibility. The Sendai Framework (2015–2030) that followed Hyogo evolved further by indicating that ‘risk identification’ helps timely action. As disasters observe no political boundaries, so disaster management strives to overcome every political and ideological division to cooperate, collaborate, and hand hold affected nations. Resilience building includes a strategy to prevent other nations from succumbing to disasters its impact is never confined to the one victim nation alone but spreads to other nations in different ways. In the previous decade, India has unswervingly sent relief material as well as shared her experience, expertise, and technology for the longterm resilience building of several countries. The Disaster Management Act 2005 has provided a statutory framework for global resilience building, and the National Disaster Response Force (NDRF) as a new team of ‘Samaritan Diplomats’ has helped India in image building, winning trust, and forming alliances. This goes a long way in strengthening both resilient infrastructure and sustainable projects, such as the ‘Solar Alliance’, and also create sturdy platforms for encountering pandemics like the COVID-19. Disaster Management Diplomacy is a new buzz word as traditional military competitors have now also become competitors in humanitarian interventions — such as India and China in South Asia. While resilience building strategies help a peace building process, they also ensure continuity of supply chains in global business by linking resilience building with Sustainable Development Goals.

Author :
Amita Singh
She is former Professor of Law & Governance & Founder Chairperson of the Special Centre for Disaster Research, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Currently, she is Distinguished Professor at the National University of Juridical Sciences, Kolkata, Senior Fellow at the Institute of Social Sciences, and President of NDRG (Asia-Pacific Disaster Research Group).
 

Author :
Suravi Sharma
She is a medical professional who has obtained the degree of MA in Creative Writing from the University of London. She regularly writes for The Sunday Guardian, The Indian Express, The Sunday Observer, and has published three books.
 

Author :
Amit Cowshish
He is a retired senior civil servant. He inter-alia served as Financial Advisor (Acquisition) in the Ministry of Defence.
 

Author :
Gulshan Sachdeva
Professor and Coordinator, Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence, Centre for European Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Authors :
Sachin Chaturvedi : Director General, Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi
Sushil Kumar : Assistant Professor, RIS, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Supriti David  : Media Consultant under the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation deployed in the G20 Chief Coordinator’s office at Sushma Swaraj Bhavan, New Delhi.
 

Authors :
Abdul Nafey : Professor. Formerly at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
Aprajita Kashyap : Assistant Professor, Centre for Canadian, US & Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University.
 

Author :
Ashok Sajjanhar : Former diplomat, who served as India’s ambassador to Kazakhstan and has vast domain knowledge of the Central Asian Region.
 

Abstract
With the objective of addressing the security concerns of the newly independent countries created after the fall of the Soviet Union, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) was established in 2001. These countries came to the realization that this cannot be done unilaterally; rather, a multilateral strategy is required to address transnational issues, and that the SCO would facilitate close cooperation with the Central Asian Region (CAR), to promote international trade and regional growth. At the same time, due to the US hegemony, countries like China and Russia sought to legitimate their own internal political systems, and increase interaction with East Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia. In broad terms, the SCO continues to strengthen the regional framework to bring about peace, stability, and prosperity in the region and, in a sense, protect their countries’ strategic interests beyond Central Asia. In this context, this essay makes an effort to analyse the reasons for the SCO’s increasing foot prints in South Asia, and what could be policy options for India. It argues that it is in India’s interest to continue to engage with the SCO as also with its multi-alignment policy to secure its interests in both Central Asia and South Asia.

Author :
Dr S. Y. Surendra Kumar : Professor, Department of Political Science, Bangalore University, Bengaluru
 

Abstract
India and France share a close and special relationship spanning a wide spectrum of convergences, including in the strategic arena. While diplomatic relations were established in 1947 almost immediately after India’s independence, significantly, the first Strategic Partnership entered into by India was with France, in January 1998. Despite India being harangued and sanctioned by the USA and allies after the nuclear tests at Pokhran in May 1998, it was France that stood out as an abiding friend of India, and the partnership has grown stronger and deeper with every passing year. The Strategic Partnership is underpinned by three main pillars of cooperation and collaboration — Defence, Nuclear, and Space/Aerospace. Each of these have witnessed substantive expansion, and continue to define the unique and diverse ties between the two countries.
The Horizon 2047 document issued after the visit of Prime Minister Modi on 13–14 July 2023 to France, gives the roadmap and vision for the future trajectory of the partnership when the centenary of the bilateral ties, and the fiftieth year of the Strategic Partnership will be commemorated.
The ties have been resilient, and the recent visit of the Prime Minister Modi to France re-emphasised that India and France are in it for the long haul. Given that India and France have, over the years, demonstrated the strength of their almost ideal partnership, sharing a commonality of approach on the many global challenges, including Climate Change, Terrorism, Maritime Security, the Indo-Pacific, etc., the uncertainty pervading the global geo-strategic environment will propel both countries towards ensuring that the Horizon 2047 vision. They will also ensure that other initiatives, like the Solar Alliance, Green Hydrogen, and other innovative digital technology projects (including AI), are implemented. Both countries will align their strategies to safeguard their respective core interests, while ensuring the greater global good, and shaping the global agenda.
This essay reviews and examines the progress made in the last 25 years, and the likely future challenges for the India-France Strategic Partnership given the growing emphasis on the Indo-Pacific, and its emergence as an area of contestation between an increasingly assertive China and the USA. While India and France have a stake in both the Indian Ocean and in the Pacific, their policy of strategic autonomy precludes their aligning completely with the US led endeavours of countering China’s ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. In this context, it is imperative that India and France strengthen cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and, in addition, possibly establish an India-France collaborative mechanism to ensure freedom of navigation and maritime security in the Pacific as also in the Indian Ocean where the threat from China’s activities adversely impacts the interests of both France and India. France has two of its overseas territories/regions in the Indian Ocean — the Mayotte and Reunion Islands — where it maintains a naval base as well as in the Pacific, with the overseas territories of New Caledonia, French Polynesia, Wallis, and Futuna, in which France is a resident power. However, the elements of the France-China relationship are quite different from those of the IndiaChina relationship, and need to be taken cognisance of, going ahead. In the rapidly evolving global environment, it is reiterated that France and India are the best partners for each other in the Indian Ocean and the Indo-Pacific, and the future prognosis is one of optimism.

Author :
Amb. Manju Seth : Former Ambassador, important overseas diplomatic assignments included one in Paris and Reunion Island (part of France); Distinguished Fellow, Forum For Global Studies.
 

Abstract
The bilateral relationship between India and France is standing rocksolid on a strong and unshakable foundation. The foundation is built on a convergence of fundamental values that both India and France cherish the values of democracy, freedom, equality, liberty, respect for human rights, and the rule of law. Both India and France are culturally diverse, multicultural as well as functional and vibrant democracies that believe in protecting and proliferating the fundamental values of historical civilizations. The relationship between India and France is very special, close, warm, and multifaceted. The warmth and depth of the relationship between India and France were evident in the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to France on the official invitation to be the Guest of Honour for the Bastille Day Parade in July 2023.
This essay analyses the contours and significance of the bilateral engagement between India and France. Building upon the latest state visit by the Indian Prime Minister, the essay establishes the historical significance of the Bastille Day Parade for France. It maps the sectors and areas in which India and France have cooperation, and analyses the strength of the collaboration. Finally, the essay analyses how India and France — two important players in global politics — gain strength from each other’s support, and the need for India and France to enhance their partnership to the next level in the future.

Author :
Dr. Sheetal Sharma : Assistant Professor in the Centre for European Studies at School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University
 

Author :
Rajiv Chander : He is one of the most distinguished officers of the Indian Foreign Service who excelled in various capacities, including as India’s Consul General in St. Petersburg and Vancouver; Director SAARC Secretariat in Kathmandu; Ambassador to Ukraine; and as Permanent Representative of India to the UN in Geneva. As Desk Officer at MEA’s Headquarters, Ambassador Rajiv Chander has accumulated experience of India’s neighbourhood, including the countries covered in the Oral History.
 

Author :
Uttam Kumar Sinha
Dr. Uttam K. Sinha, is Head of the Non-Traditional Security Centre at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA), New Delhi. He was till recently, Senior Fellow at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi. He is the author of the recently published book, Indus Basin Uninterrupted: A History of Territory and Politics from Alexander to Nehru (Penguin Random House India, 2021).
 

Author :
Aparajita Gangopadhyay
Dr. Aparajita Gangopadhyay, is Professor, School of International and Area Studies, Goa University, Goa.
 

Author :
Sankalp Gurjar
Dr. Sankalp Gurjar, is Research Fellow, Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Monish Tourangbam
Dr. Monish Tourangbam is a Senior Assistant Professor at the Amity Institute of International Studies (AIIS), Amity University (Noida).
 

Author :
Surbhi Choudhary
Doctoral Research Scholar Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Tanka B. Subba
Professor, Department of Anthropology, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Former Vice-Chancellor, Sikkim University, Gangtok.

Ruchi Shree
Assistant Professor, PG Department of Political Science, Tilka Manjhi Bhagalpur University (TMBU), Bhagalpur, Bihar.

Shreya Upadhyay
Dr. Shreya Upadhyay, is Assistant Professor at Christ University, Bangalore, India.

Girijesh Pant
Former Dean School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Skand Tayal
Former Ambassador of India to Uzbekistan and the Republic of Korea, Former Consul General of India at Johannesburg and at Houston.
 

Author :
Chintamani Mahapatra
Rector, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and Professor for American Studies, Centre for Canadian, U.S. and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Asoke Kumar Mukerji
Ambassador Asoke Mukerji is a former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations. He was India’s trade negotiator in the WTO during 1995-1998, chaired the WTO GATS Committee on Specific Commitments, and represented India in eleven trade disputes in the WTO.
 

Author :
Achal K. Malhotra
The Author, Ambassador Achal K. Malhotra is a former Ambassador of India to Armenia. He is the author of “ India - Armenia: So Far yet So Close” (2018) and “The South Caucasus: Transition from Subjugation to Independence (Tracing India’s Footprints)” (2010).
 

Author :
Pooja Bhatt
Dr. Pooja Bhatt, is presently a consultant at the Policy Planning Division, Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi. The views expressed are authors own and does not necessarily reflect the views of MEA.
 

Author :
Monish Tourangbam
Dr. Monish Tourangbam is a Senior Assistant Professor at the Amity Institute of International Studies (AIIS), Amity University (Noida).
 

Author :
Shreya Upadhyay
Dr. Shreya Upadhyay, is Assistant Professor at Christ University, Bangalore, India.
 

Authors :
Arvind Kumar
Prof. Arvind Kumar is a Professor, Centre for Canadian, United States and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.

Alok Mohan
Dr. Alok Mohan is currently DGP in Karnataka state and specialises on Internal Security Issues.
 

Author :
Neha Sinha
Assistant Professor, Amity Institute of International Studies (AIIS).



 

Author :
Sriparna Pathak
Sriparna Pathak is an Associate Professor and Director of the Centre for Northeast Asian Studies in the Jindal School of International Affairs of O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipat, Haryana, India. Prior to this she was a Visiting Faculty at the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, Gauhati University in Assam.
 

Author :
Shalini Chawla
Shalini Chawla is a Distinguish Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS), New Delhi.

Author :
Alvite Singh Ningthoujam
Alvite Ningthoujam is an Assistant Professor at the Symbiosis School of International Studies (SSIS), Symbiosis International (Deemed University), Pune, Maharashtra.
 

Author :
Anand V
Anand V. is an Assistant Professor (Senior Scale) at the Department of Geopolitics and International Relations, Manipal Academy of Higher Education (MAHE), Manipal, Karnataka, India.
 

Authors :
Chandan Kumar Sarma
Chandan Kumar Sarma is Associate Professor at the Department of History in Dibrugarh University.

Obja Borah Hazarika
Obja Borah Hazarika is Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science in Dibrugarh University.

 

Author :
Urbi Das
Urbi Das is Assistant Professor at the Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, West Bengal, India.
 

Author :
Asoke Mukerji
Ambassador Asoke Mukerji was India’s first resident Charge d’affairs in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan in 1992, and India’s Ambassador to Kazakhstan in 2005-07. His monograph on “India and Central Asia”, published by the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, is available online at http://nehrumemorial.nic.in/downloadSeries/170.
 

Author :
P. Stobdan
P. Stobdan, is a former Ambassador of India to Kyrgyzstan, and a former Senior Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. He was the founding President of the Ladakh International Centre, Leh.
 

Author :
R. K. Pradhan
R. K. Pradhan is Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Science, School of Social Science, Guru Ghasidas University, Bilaspur, Chhattisgarh.
 

Author :
B. K. Sharma
Maj Gen B. K. Sharma (Retd.) is the Director General of United Service Institution of India. He has been India’s Defence Attaché in Central Asia, and participates in Track 2 level dialogues on Afghanistan and Central Asia.
 

Author :
Pravesh Kumar Gupta
Pravesh Kumar Gupta, is Associate Fellow, Vivekananda International Foundation, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Debasis Bhattacharya
Debasis Bhattacharya, is currently Dean and Professor, School of Humanities, K. R. Mangalam University, Gurugram.
 

Author :
Nalin Kumar Mohapatra
Nalin Kumar Mohapatra is Assistant Professor at the Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.
 

Author :
Deepak Kumar
Colonel Deepak Kumar is a serving officer of the Indian Army and was a Research Fellow at the MP-IDSA, New Delhi, at the time of publication of the Monograph.
 

Author :
Somen Banerjee
A serving Commodore, Indian Navy; was till recently Senior Research Fellow at the National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi, and was earlier Senior Fellow at the Vivekananda International Foundation, New Delhi. Author of ‘Maritime Power through Blue Economy’ and ‘Sea of Collective Destiny: Bay of Bengal and BIMSTEC’.
 

Authors :
Suranjan Das
Dr Suranjan Das is Vice-Chancellor, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, and Hony. Director, Netaji Institute For Asian Studies (NIAS), Kolkata.

Subhadeep Bhattacharya
Mr. Subhadeep Bhattacharya is a Research Assistant at the NIAS.
 

Author :
Dr. Sana Hashmi is Visiting Fellow at the Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University, Non-Resident Fellow at Taiwan’s NextGen Foundation, and affiliated scholar with the Research Institute for Indo-Pacific Affairs, Japan. She is a former Consultant with the Ministry of External Affairs, Republic of India, and the author of China’s Approach towards Territorial Disputes: Lessons and Prospects (KW Publishers, April 2018).
 

Authors :
N. Manoharan
Dr. N. Manoharan and Mr. Ashwin Immanuel Dhanabalan are, respectively, Associate Professor and a Masters scholar with the Department of International Studies, Political Science and History, CHRIST (Deemed to be University). Dr. Manoharan had earlier served at the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS), Prime Minister’s Office, New Delhi.

Ashwin Immanuel Dhanabalan
Dr. N. Manoharan and Mr. Ashwin Immanuel Dhanabalan are, respectively, Associate Professor and a Masters scholar with the Department of International Studies, Political Science and History, CHRIST (Deemed to be University).
 

Authors :
Arvind Gupta
Director, Vivekananda International Foundation, New Delhi and former Director General Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses.

Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty
Former Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs; Former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh; Former Ambassador to Thailand; Visiting Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.

Skand Tayal
Former Ambassador of India to Uzbekistan and the Republic of Korea, Former Consul General of India at Johannesburg and at Houston.

Shreya Upadhyay
Assistant Professor, University of Petroleum and Energy Studies Dehradun, Uttarakhand.

Rajiv Narayanan
Head Centre for Strategic Studies and Simulation, The United Service Institution of India, New Delhi.

Author :
Talmiz Ahmad
Ambassador Talmiz Ahmad, is a former Ambassador of India to Saudi Arabia (twice), to the U.A.E, and to Yemen. He was also the Additional Secretary for International Cooperation in India’s Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas. He holds the Ram Sathe Chair for International Studies, Symbiosis International University, Pune.
 

Author :
Shebonti Ray Dadwal
The Author, is an Independent Consultant on Energy and Resources Security and is a former Senior Fellow at the Manohar Parikkar Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses.

Author :
Rushali Saha
Ms. Rushali Saha, is a Research Associate at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Adil Rasheed
Dr. Adil Rasheed is Research Fellow and Coordinator of Counter Terrorism Department at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence and Analyses (MP-IDSA). He is author of Countering the Radical Narrative (2020), ISIS: Race to Armageddon (2015).

Author :
Sitakanta Mishra
Dr. Sitakantha Mishra, is an Associate Professor in the School of Liberal Studies (SLS), Pandit Deendayal Energy University (PDEU), Gujarat, India.

Authors :
Sanjay Kumar Pandey
Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Ashish Shukla
Assistant Professor, Amity Institute of Defence & Strategic Studies, Amity University, NOIDA and a Former Fellow, Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.

India-Bangladesh Relations @ 50: The Way

Author :
Sreeradha Datta
Dr. Sreeradha Datta is the Centre Head and Senior Fellow for Neighbourhood Studies at the Vivekananda International Foundation.
 

Author :
Shamsher M. Chowdhury
Ambassador Shamsher M. Chowdhury, BB, is a decorated war hero, and a former Foreign Secretary of Bangladesh.
 

Author :
Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty
Former Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs; Former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh; Former Ambassador to Thailand; Visiting Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Smruti S. Pattanaik
Smruti S. Pattanaik, is a Research Fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Anasua Basu Ray Chaudhury
Dr. Anasua Basu Ray Chaudhury, is Senior Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, Kolkata Chapter.
 

Author :
Joyeeta Bhattacharjee
Joyeeta Bhattacharjee, is a Senior Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Opinions expressed are author’s personal views.
 

Author :
Anand Kumar
Anand Kumar, is an Associate Fellow at the Manohar Parikkar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Ashish Shukla
Ashish Shukla, till recently, Research Fellow, Indian Council for World Affairs; is Assistant Professor, Amity University, Noida.
 

Author :
Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury
Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury is the Diplomatic Editor, The Economic Times, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Sanjay K. Bhardwaj
Sanjay K Bhardwaj, is Professor for South Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Chintamani Mahapatra
Rector, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and Professor for American Studies, Centre for Canadian, U.S. and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Arun K. Singh
Ambassador Arun K. Singh, is a former Ambassador of India to the United States, to France and to Israel.
 

Author :
Annpurna Nautiyal
Annpurna Nautiyal, is Vice Chancellor, HNB Garhwal University, Srinagar, Garhwal, Uttarakhand.
 

Author :
Arvind Kumar
Prof. Arvind Kumar is a Professor, Centre for Canadian, United States and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.
 

Author :
Sanjukta Bhattacharya
Sanjukta Bhattacharya is a former Professor, Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata.
 

Author :
Monish Tourangbam
Monish Tourangbam is a Senior Assistant Professor at the Amity Institute of International Studies (AIIS), Amity University (Noida).
 

Author :
Pramit Pal Chaudhuri
Pramit Pal Chaudhuri, is a Distinguished Fellow and Head of Strategic Affairs, Ananta Aspen Centre, New Delhi.
 

Author :
G. Balachandran
G. Balachandran was, till recently Consulting Fellow at the Manohar Parikkar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Shreya Upadhyay
Shreya Upadhyay, is Assistant Professor at Christ University, Bangalore, India.
 

Author :
Vivek Mishra
Vivek Mishra, is a Research Fellow, Indian Council for World Affairs, New Delhi.
 

Author :
R. Hariharan
He is a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group, and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai.

Author :
P. Sahadevan
He is Professor at Centre for South Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Samatha Mallempati 
She is a Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA), New Delhi.
 

Author :
Nitin Gokhale
He is the Editor-in-Chief, Strategic News International, New Delhi.
 

Author :
N. Manoharan
He is Associate Professor, Department of International Studies and History, CHRIST (Deemed to be University), Bengaluru.
 

Author :
D. Suba Chandran
Professor and Dean, School of Conflict and Security Studies, National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bengaluru.
 

Author :
Gulbin Sultana
Research analyst at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi.
 

Author :
Jayanath Colombage
Former Commander of the Sri Lankan Navy, and presently, Director, Centre for Indo-Lanka Initiatives and Centre for Law of the Sea, Pathfinder Foundation, Sri Lanka.
 

Author :
Vivek Mishra
Assistant Professor at the Netaji Institute for Asian Studies,Kolkata.
 

Author :
V. S. Seshadri
Former Ambassador of India to Slovenia and former Ambassador of India to Myanmar. A former trade negotiator in the Government of India, he was earlier Vice-Chairman, Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi.
 

Author :
Dilip Sinha
Former Special Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi and former Permanent Representative of India to UN Organisations in Geneva. He is the author of Legitimacy of Power: The Permanence of Five in the Security Council, published 2018 by the Indian Council of World Affairs/ VIJ Books (India) Pty Ltd, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Shreya Upadhyay
She is a visiting faculty with Symbiosis University and a Senior Analyst with India Bound. A former Nehru-Fulbright pre-doctoral scholar with American University, Washington DC, she was also a researcher with the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi.
 

Author :
H. H. S. Viswanathan
He is a former Ambassador of India to Cote d’Ivoire, a former High Commissioner of India to Nigeria, and a former Consul General of India in San Francisco. Currently, he is a Distinguished Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF), New Delhi.
 

Author :
Netajee Abhinandan
He is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ravenshaw University, Cuttack.
 

Author :
Asoke Kumar Mukerji
He was Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York from 2013 to 2015.
 

Author :
Bhaskar Balakrishnan
He is a former Ambassador of India to Cuba and to Greece, and is a Science Diplomacy Fellow, Research and Information Systems for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi. The views expressed herein are his personal views.
 

Authors :
Priti Singh : Associate Professor in Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
Devika Misra : PhD Research Scholar in Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author :
M. Ganapathi
He is a former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, former High Commissioner to Mauritius, former Ambassador to Kuwait and former Consul General in Sydney, Australia.
 

Author :
Vijay Sakhuja
He is a former Director, National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi. He is currently Visiting Senior Fellow, Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace, (CICP) Phnom Penh, as also Consultant with Vivekananda International Foundation, the Indian Council of World affairs, and the Kalinga International Foundation, all in New Delhi.
 

Author :
Tesho Singh
Research Fellow with the Vivekananda International Foundation, New Delhi. 

 

Author :
Manpreet Sethi
He is a Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Dilip Sinha
A former Special Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, is a former Permanent Representative of India to the UN offices in Geneva. He was also India’s Ambassador to Greece. He is the author of the book: Legitimacy of Power: The Permanence of Five in the Security Council, New Delhi, Vij Books, 2018.
 

Author :
Vijay Nambiar
He is a former Permanent Representative of India to the UN at New York, He was later Chef de Cabinet (Chief of Staff) of the UN Secretary-General, in the rank of USG of the UN. A former Indian Ambassador to Algeria, Pakistan, China, Malaysia and Afghanistan, he was also the Deputy National Security Advisor.
 

Author :
Nalin Surie
He is presently a Distinguished Fellow at the Delhi Policy Group, is a former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs and a former Deputy Permanent Representative of India to the UN at New York. He has been India’s Ambassador to Poland, China, and High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. He was also the Director General of the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA).
 

Author :
C. S. R. Murthy
Professor at the Centre for International Politics, Organization and Disarmament (CIPOD), School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Author of the forthcoming book, “India in the United Nations: Interplay of Interests and Principles” (SAGE, July - 2020).

 

Author :
Monish Tourangbam
He is a Senior Assistant Professor at the Department of Geopolitics and International Relations, Manipal Academy of Higher Education (MAHE).
 

Author :
Satish Nambiar
He is a former Deputy Chief of the Army Staff, former Director General of Military Operations at Army Headquarters, the first Force Commander and Head of Mission of the United Nations forces in the former Yugoslavia (in the grade of an Assistant Secretary General / Under Secretary General). He has also served as the Military Adviser at the High Commission of India in London.
 

Author :
Asoke Kumar Mukerji
He is a former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York.
 

Author :
T. P. Sreenivasan
He is a former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations offices in Vienna, and a former Deputy Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in New York. He was also Ambassador to Austria, Kenya, and Fiji.

Author :
Prem K. Budhwar
He was served as India’s High Commissioner to Canada for nearly five years from 1992 to 1997. He was commissioned by the Indian Council of World Affairs to do a special study on Canada, and his book Canada-India: Partners in Progress, was published in 2016.

 

Author :
Rajiv Bhatia
He is a former Ambassador/High Commissioner to Kenya, Myanmar, Mexico and South Africa. He had earlier served as India’s Consul General in Toronto (Canada). He is presently a Distinguished Fellow at Gateway House, Mumbai.
 

Author :
Vishnu Prakash
He is a former Ambassador of India to Republic of Korea, a former spokesperson, was till recently, India’s High Commissioner to Canada.

 

Author :
Shashi Uban Tripathi
He is a former High Commissioner of India to Canada and a former Secretary, Ministry of External affairs. She was earlier Indian High Commissioner to Zimbabwe and Consul General of India at New York.
 

Authors :
Abdul Nafey : Professor, Centre for Canadian, US & Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, JNU.
Pooja Gopal : Research Scholar, Centre for Canadian, US & Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, JNU.
 

Author :
Aprajita Kashyap
Assistant Professor at the Centre for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Sitakanta Mishra
Assistant Professor, Faculty of International Relations at the School of Liberal Studies (SLS) of Pandit Deendayal Petroleum University (PDPU), Gandhinagar.
Gujarat.
 

Author :
Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty
Former secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, a former High Commissioner to Bangladesh, and a former Ambassador to Thailand. He is currently a Distinguished Fellow at the Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation.
 

Author :
Deepak Bhojwani
He is a former Ambassador of India to Colombia and to Venezuela. He is the author of Latin America, the Caribbean and India: Promise and Challenge, Pentagon Press 2015.
 

Author :
Kanwal Sibal
He is a former Foreign Secretary of India and former Ambassador to France and to Russia.
 

Author : 
Chintamani Mahapatra
Rector, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and Professor of American Studies, School for International Studies, JNU, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Sanjay Singh
He is former Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs, and former Ambassador of India to Iran.
 

Author :
Arvind Gupta
IFS (Retd), is Director, Vivekananda International Foundation, former Deputy National Security Advisor and a former Director General, IDSA.
 

Author :
B. S. Prakash
He is a former Ambassador of India to Brazil and to Uganda and a former Consul General of India at San Francisco, USA.
 

Author :
Sachin Chaturvedi
He is the Director General at the Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi. The author would like to thank Mr. Pratyush Sharma for research inputs and Professor Milindo Chakrabarti for comments on the essay.
 

Author :
M. Matheshwaran
(Retd.) Former Deputy Chief of the Integrated Defence Staff.
 

Author :
Obja Borah Hazarika
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Dibrugarh University, Assam.
 

Author :
Yogendra Kumar
A former Ambassador to the Philippines (with concurrent accreditation to Palau, Micronesia and the Marshall Islands), to Tajikistan, and was also High Commissioner to Namibia. The author is grateful to Dr. Probal Ghosh for insights in the course of preparing this article.
 

Author :
Monish Tourangbam
Assistant Professor (Senior Scale) at the Department of Geopolitics and International Relations, Manipal Academy of Higher Education (MAHE) based in Karnataka, India.
India-Iran Relations amidst Strategic Constraints.
 

Author :
V. P. Haran
He is a former Ambassador of India to Syria and to Bhutan. This article is an updated and revised version of a talk by the author, delivered at the Alagappa University, Karaikudi, Tamil Nadu, on 30 July 2018, under the Distinguished Lecture Series of the Public Diplomacy Division of the Ministry of External Affairs, and is published under arrangement with them and with their permission.
 

Author :
Vivek Mishra
Assistant Professor in International Relations, Netaji Institute for Asian Studies, Kolkata.

 

Author :
Bhaswati Mukherjee 
Former Permanent Representative to UNESCO, Paris, and a former Ambassador of India to the Netherlands.

 

Author :
Shubhrajeet Konwer
Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Gauhati University, Guwahati, Assam
 

Author :
Titli Basu
Associate Fellow, at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty
Former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, and a former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh.
 

Author :
Ashish Shukla
Research Fellow, Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Anand Kumar
Associate Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi, and is presently on deputation as Visiting Professor to the ICCR chair of Indian Studies at the University of Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania.
 

Author :
Sreeradha Datta
Formerly Director, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Kolkata, is presently a Senior Fellow at the Vivekananda International Foundation, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Aparupa Bhattacherjee
PhD scholar at the School of Conflict and Security Studies, National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bengaluru.
 

Author :
Joyeeta Bhattacharjee
Senior Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Smruti S. Pattanaik
Research Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.

Author :
Shreya Upadhyay
She is a Bengaluru based independent consultant. A former Nehru-Fulbright pre-doctoral scholar with American University, Washington DC, she was also a researcher with the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Asoke Kumar Mukerji
He was, till recently Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations.
 

Author :
Arun K. Singh
He was, till recently, the Ambassador of India to the United States, and is a former Ambassador of India to France and to Israel.
 

Author :
Dhruva Jaishankar
Fellow, Foreign Policy, at Brookings India, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Annpurna Nautiyal
Professor of Political Science, HNB Garhwal University, Srinagar, Garhwal, Uttarakhand.
 

Author :
Monish Tourangbam
Assistant Professor at the Department of Geopolitics and International Relations, Manipal University (Karnataka).
 

Author :
Obja Borah Hazarika
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Dibrugarh University, Assam.
 

Author :
Netajee Abhinandan
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ravenshaw University, Cuttack.
 

Author :
M. Ganapathi
Former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, a former High Commissioner to Mauritius, a former Ambassador to Kuwait, and a former Consul General in Sydney, Australia.

Author :
Vivek Mishra
Assistant Professor in International Relations at the Netaji Institute for Asian Studies, and Visiting Faculty at Presidency University, Kolkata. He was, till recently, a Fulbright Doctoral Research Scholar at the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University.
 

Author :
G. Parthasarathy
Former Ambassador of India to Myanmar and former High Commissioner of India to Australia, to Pakistan and to Cyprus.
 

Author :
Sanjay Singh
President of the Association of Indian Diplomats, is a former Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs and the former Ambassador of India to Iran.

Author :
Rajiv Bhatia
Former High Commissioner of India to Kenya and to South Africa, and a former Ambassador of India to Myanmar and to Mexico.
 

Author :
Yogendra Kumar
Former Ambassador of India to the Philippines with concurrent accreditation to Palau, Micronesia and the Marshall Islands. He was, earlier, the Additional Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, dealing with Multilateral Economic Relations, and on the Faculty of the National Defence College, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Chintamani Mahapatra
Rector, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and Professor for American Studies, School for International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
 

Author :
Bhaswati Mukherjee,
Former Permanent Representative to UNESCO, Paris and a former Ambassador of India to the Netherlands.
 

Author :
Nirmala Joshi
Former Professor, Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) New Delhi.
 

Author :
Nalin Surie
Former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, a former Ambassador of India to China and to Poland and a former High Commissioner to the UK. He is presently the Director General of Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA), New Delhi.
 

Author :
V. S. Seshadri
Former Ambassador of India to Myanmar and to Slovenia was, till recently, Vice-Chairman, Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi. He was also the Head of Division dealing with WTO matters in Ministry of Commerce.
 

Author :
Dilip Sinha
Former Special Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, former Ambassador and Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations in Geneva and Ambassador to Greece.
 

Author :
Bhaswati Mukherjee
Former Permanent Representative of India to UNESCO, Paris and former Ambassador of India to the Netherlands.
 

Author :
Gulbin Sultana
Researcher in the South Asia Centre of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi.
 

Author :
Samatha Mallempati
Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi.